Balder Ex-Libris - Barnes Harry ElmerReview of books rare and missing2024-03-16T01:56:42+00:00urn:md5:aa728a70505b2fae05796923271581c2DotclearBarnes Harry Elmer - Blasting the historical blackouturn:md5:f36bd0cef18629d094304ce4f9d86adc2019-09-08T12:30:00+01:002019-09-08T11:39:00+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerConspiracyConspiracyJewRevisionismSecond World War <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img4/Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_Blasting_the_historical_blackout.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Blasting the historical blackout Professor A. J. P. Taylor's "The origins of the second world war" Its nature, realibility, shortcomings and implications</strong><br />
Year : 1966<br />
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What is known as the "Historical Blackout" is a theme with which I have dealt in a number of places previously, such as brochures on "The Struggle Against the Historical Blackout," "The Court Historians versus Revisionism," "Revisionism and the Promotion of Peace," and the first chapter of Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace. What is meant by the term, in its more usual and current application, is the effort which has been made since the outbreak of the second World War to suppress the truth relative to the responsibility for this great conflict and the manner in which the United States entered the war. This has involved ignoring or suppressing the facts which run counter to wartime propaganda when writing books on these subjects, and suppressing, ignoring, or seeking to discredit those books which have taken account of such facts. In a broader sense, the term could be extended to include any efforts to suppress or discredit those historical works that run counter to the generally accepted views on public affairs, especially international relations. In my writings on the subject and in most of those produced in the United States, attention has been concentrated on the manner in which this policy and technique have operated in this country but the tendency has been general all over the civilized and literate world. After the first World War the defeated countries, such as Germany, Hungary and Austria presented such facts as they could bring forth to justify their case and demonstrate their innocence of sole or primary responsibility for the outbreak of war in August, 1914. This has not been the case since 1945. In neither Germany nor Italy has there been much activity in producing historical literature designed to present the case of these countries with respect to the events of 1939, and what is known as Revisionism - the effort to get at the truth on the second World War - has been sporadic and fragmentary in Japan. West Germany and Italy have almost outdone the victors in castigating their leaders of 1939 days and their alleged guilt, and the East Germans have been additionally throttled by the intensely Germanophobe and anti-Hitler attitude of Soviet Russia. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - Who started world war one ?urn:md5:6fa879238b71af51fd38294a5afae3b92014-01-31T13:11:00+00:002014-01-31T13:28:05+00:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerAustriaBelgiumConspiracyEnglandEuropeFirst World WarFranceGermanyHungaryItalyJewRevisionismRussiaSerbieUnited StatesVenus <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img3/Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_Who_started_world_war_one.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Who started world war one ? An unbiased analysis of the causes and mitigating factors of World War One from the father of historical Revisionism</strong><br />
Year : 2009<br />
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Preface. Wars & the Decline of the West. This pioneering Revisionist work by the doyen of Revisionism, Harry Elmer Barnes, ends with the entrance of the U.S.A. into World War I. Thus, the final gruesome tally of the horrible and unnecessary costs of that war in terms of blood, treasure, and political disaster could not be included. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - The social history of the western worldurn:md5:14e84b95b124604fa1fc3bb6da01002d2013-08-28T17:53:00+01:002013-08-28T16:54:41+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerCivilizationsSociology <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_The_social_history_of_the_western_world_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The social history of the western world An outline syllabus</strong><br />
Year : 1921<br />
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When history is seen to be more than a succession of dramatic events, of wars and crises, an embodiment, rather, of the long life-story of social and political adjustment to ideals through changing environment, a process affecting every generation and linking the common things of daily life to the great purposes of national development, then the story of our achievement will be seen to have a different content and a more practical bearing than the epic which time and the careless memory of men have offered as its substitute. JAMES THOMSON SHOTWELL. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - The history of western civilization Volume 2urn:md5:1ad9c7dc5c756bfa97243a4510bba6d72013-08-28T17:36:00+01:002013-08-28T16:54:57+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerCivilizationsRevisionism <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_The_history_of_western_civilization_Volume_2_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The history of western civilization Volume 2</strong><br />
Year : 1935<br />
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Preface. This book is a straightforward account of the development of institutions and culture in the Western world. It is not based upon any preconceived notion of social evolution, nor have I been governed by any rigid schematic conception of historical interpretation. There is no assumption of invariable or uniform "stages" in history. The book has been built upon two main convictions. The first is that the history of civilization must be founded upon a broad perspective of time and space that cannot be secured from history alone, but must be grounded in biology, archaeology, anthropology, and sociology as well. The second is that the whole story of human develop ment should be told. Qualifying this, however, is the belief that one must not try to lay exactly the same emphasis on each department or phase of culture in every period of human development. In some epochs the mere struggle for existence has been most important. In others religion has loomed largest in the interest of peoples. In another age the struggle for wealth and power has been dominant. Among some peoples, art and things of beauty have seemed to possess most significance. When treating a particular people in any era, I have attempted to stress especially the most characteristic and illuminating traits of that age and civilization. Likewise, while all peoples who have played any prominent part in the development of Western civilization have been mentioned, considerations of common sense and space alike dictate that major attention should be given to those areas and populations through which the stream of Western culture has flowed most directly and continuously from the caves of the Old Stone Age to the metropolitan centers of the twentieth cen tury. Peoples and regions on the periphery of this main stream of Western culture are dealt with only in so far as they have contributed their rivulets to the general current of cultural tradition in the West. While they have not been followed slavishly, two elaborate syllabuses form the basis of the organi zation of the book: my Social History of the Western World (Appleton, 1921) ; and An Outline of the History of the Western European Mind, by James Har vey Robinson, which I revised under his supervision in 1919 (Marion Press, 1919). I have also found very helpful and suggestive the Guide to the History of European Civilization prepared by the members of the department of his tory of the College of the City of New York (1932). The history of Western civilization cannot be confined within the older historical chronology. It is now realized that man has been on the earth for at least a million years, and some learned students estimate that he has been here for a much longer period perhaps three times as long. Hence, even in the most modest estimate, far more than 90 per cent of the period of human habitation of this planet had already passed before the arrival of what used to be known as "the Dawn of History." If we were to use the old categories of historical chronology, we would have to identify ancient history with the Eolithic and Paleolithic periods of the early Stone Age; medieval history with the Neolithic or New Stone Age; and modern history with the period since the appearance of civilization in early Egypt. From the standpoint of time and culture alike, the whole civilization of man in the West since ancient Egyp tian days is "modern"; in character. The term "contemporary history" might well be applied to the relatively novel culture that has arisen since 1700 as a result of the growth of science, invention, business enterprise, and world-trade. In order, however, not to clash too sharply with the conventional historical perspective and pedagogy, I have attempted to adapt the new chronological conceptions to the old terms, and one will still find in these pages references to ancient history, classical civilization, the Middle Ages, and the like. In the light of rigorous historical logic it would probably have been better to abandon all the old chronological designations, but it has been deemed inexpedient to do so. In describing the so-called prehistoric period, special emphasis has been placed upon the rise of the arts connected with assuring material existence, the origins of human social groupings, and the beginnings of man s theories about the supernatural world. The ancient Orient is portrayed as the geographical area and historical period that witnessed the origins of civilization, built up by a leisure class on the basis of the oppression and exploitation of a large servile group. It was also the period in which there first emerged large-scale political units founded upon territorial residence rather than real or fictitious kinship. The two civilizations of the ancient Mediterranean world diverged widely in character. The Greeks introduced skeptical thought, an appreciation of the true and the beautiful, and a secular outlook upon life. The Romans were more notable for their achievements in military conquest, administration, jurisprudence, and engi neering. The Greeks were intellectual innovators; the Romans, imitators. The medieval period was marked by a revival of supernaturalism, the dom inance of agricultural society, political localism and decentralization, and the degradation of scholarship. But it was not a uniform cultural age, for growth and development characterized nearly every element of its civilization. The rise of urbanism and the middle class foretold the coming of the modern period in which political centralization, nationalism, representative govern ment, imperialism, science, machines, secularism, and capitalism and its attend ant organized exploitation and economic waste have been dominating traits. The importance of the various elements in civilization thus shifts with the different epochs of history and the historian must, accordingly, allot his space and diversify his treatment with appropriate discrimination. To give as much attention to religious items in the twentieth century as in the thirteenth would, for example, be absurd. The theory of historical causation underlying the treatment in this book is a very broad one, based upon the primary obligation of being true to the facts and thoroughly aware of the shifting trends of cul tural development throughout the ages. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - The causes of the world warurn:md5:0717e849804487c2b25add959b9390cd2013-08-28T17:30:00+01:002013-08-28T16:33:28+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerFirst World WarSecond World War <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_The_causes_of_the_world_war_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The causes of the world war</strong><br />
Year : 1945<br />
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Levels or types of responsibility. In generalizing about responsibility for the World War it is necessary to be specific as to just what is meant by tnis term "responsibility." There are some Revisionists who contend that ail of the Great Powers involved were about equally responsible. There are others who state that France, Russia and Serbia were the only leading powers in 1914 who desired a European war and that they worked cleverly to bring it on the least possible appearance of aggression. Both of these opinions would be correct if one clarifies what is meant. Those who argue for equal responsibility in this sense usually mean that, in regard to the causes of wars in general in Europe from 1870 to 1914, all the Great Powers were about equally responsible for the war system. They do not refer primarily to the crisis of 1914, but rather to the situation lying back of the July clash. Those who contend for the primary guilt of France, Russia and Serbia have in mind the responsibility for unnecessarily forcing the Austro- Serbian dispute of 1914 into a general European conflict. Therefore, it is necessary to know just what one implies when he says that everybody was guilty or that this or that group of nations was guilty. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - A psychological interpretation of modern social problems and of contemporary historyurn:md5:eac258b5ce764c4e3244638070f61d5a2013-08-28T17:25:00+01:002013-08-28T16:26:22+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerFrancePropaganda <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_A_psychological_interpretation_of_modern_social_problems_and_of_contemporary_history_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>A psychological interpretation of modern social problems and of contemporary history : A survey of the contributions of Gustave Le Bon to Social psychology</strong><br />
Year : 1920<br />
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General nature of his method and procedure of the three chief psychological sociologists that France has produced-Tarde, Durkheim, and Le Bon, the latter is the most versatile, and yet by far the most superficial. In fact, the last may be regarded as a popularizer of the more striking ideas of the first two, especially of Tarde's views on imitation and Durkheim's notion of crowd-psychology. The range of his interests, however, is certainly remarkable. Trained originally as a physician, he gave up the practice of medicine, but has contributed several works on physiology and hygiene. Next he was employed by the French government as an archeologist and paleographer in the Orient. In recent years he has been editor of the Bibliotheque de philosophie scientifique. In addition to these activities he has occupied himself by producing a general work on social evolution in two volumes; studies of the chief historic civilizations; several contributions to mathematical chemistry and physics, among them a paper on intra-atomic energy which was published in a number of the leading scientific journals; a statistical study in physical anthropology; a work or two on education; and the some half-dozen books on social psychology which will form the basis of the present discussion. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - Pearl Harbor after a Quarter of a Centuryurn:md5:2a919f3ce190a98974d33780cae483ad2013-07-14T11:59:00+01:002013-07-14T11:59:00+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerRevisionismSecond World WarUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_Pearl_Harbor_after_a_Quarter_of_a_Century_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Pearl Harbor after a Quarter of a Century</strong><br />
Year : 1972<br />
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The lessons of Pearl Harbor more relevant than ever before. The surprise Japanese attack at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, is regarded by most persons who recall it at all as an isolated dramatic episode, now consigned to political and military archeology. Quite to the contrary, on account of our entry into the war, it became one of the most decisive battles in the history of the human race. It has already proved far more so than any of the "fifteen decisive battles" immortalized by Sir Edward Creasy. The complex and cumulative aftermath of Pearl Harbor has played the dominant role in producing the menacing military pattern and political impasse of our time, and the military-industrial-political Establishment that controls this country and has sought to determine world policy. It created the four most likely focal points for the outbreak of a thermonuclear war which may lead to the extermination of the human race – Berlin, Formosa, Southeast Asia and the Middle East – unless future sudden flare-ups like that in Cuba in 1962 may turn the lethal trick. Hence, while Creasy's battles may have decided the fate of important political entities and alignments in the past, Pearl Harbor may well have deeply affected the fate of mankind. American entry into the war produced atomic and nuclear warfare as well as Russian domination of Central Europe and the triumph of Communist China in Asia. Moreover, a detailed study of how Pearl Harbor came about provides ominous lessons as to the uncertainties of human judgment and the eccentricities in personal conduct that control the outbreak of wars, an ever more crucial consideration in determining the destinies of the human race as we move on in the nuclear era. The damage done to our Pacific Fleet, although its significance was exaggerated at the time, was impressive and devastating. But it was a trivial matter compared to the fact that the Japanese attack put the United States actively into the second World War. The personal and political ambitions, professional stereotypes, public deceit and mendacity (the credibility gap), ruts and grooves of thinking and action, and the martial passions that brought on Pearl Harbor would, if repeated in such a crisis as that raised by the Cuban incident of 1962, or a future one in Berlin, Formosa, Vietnam, or the Middle East might very well destroy civilization. As the military episode that brought the United States into the second World War, the results of Pearl Harbor already indicate that this produced drastic and possibly ominous changes in the pattern of American relations to the rest of the world. We voluntarily and arbitrarily assumed unprecedented burdens in feeding and financing a world badly disrupted by war. The international policy of George Washington and the "fathers" of the United States, based on non-intervention but not embracing isolation, was terminated for any predictable period. President Truman continued the doctrine of the interventionist liberals of the latter part of the 1930's, to the effect that the United States must be prepared to do battle with foreign countries whose basic ideology does not conform with that of the United States. He further elected to create and perpetuate a cold war until actual hot warfare breaks out, as it did in Korea in 1950 and in southeast Asia a decade later. The United States sought to police the world and extend the rule of law on a planetary basis, which actually meant imposing the ideology of our eastern seaboard Establishment throughout the world, by force, if necessary, as in Vietnam. By the twenty-fifth anniversary of Pearl Harbor, the United States was being informed by both official policy and influential editorials that we must get adjusted to the fact that we face permanent war, an especially alarming outlook in a nuclear era in which the two major powers are already amply prepared to "overkill" their enemies. "Perpetual war for perpetual peace" has become the American formula in relation to world affairs. Drastic changes in the domestic realm can also be attributed to the impact of our entry into the second World War. The old rural society that had dominated humanity for millennia was already disintegrating rapidly as the result of urbanization and technological advances, but the latter failed to supply adequate new institutions and agencies to control and direct an urban civilization. This situation faced the American public before 1941 but the momentous transformation was given intensified rapidity and scope as a result of the extensive dislocations produced by years of warfare and recovery. These gave rise to increasing economic problems, temporarily fended off by a militaryindustrial- political complex that provided no permanent solution. The social problems of an urban age were enlarged and intensified, crime increased and took on new forms that became ever more difficult to combat, juvenile disorganization became rampant, racial problems increased beyond precedent, and the difficulties of dealing with this unprecedented and complicated mass of domestic issues were both parried and intensified by giving primary but evasive consideration to foreign affairs in our national policy and operations. Hence, a discussion of the lessons of Pearl Harbor for today reveals a situation which is more than a matter of idle curiosity for military antiquarians. Moreover, as will be pointed out during our treatment of the Pearl Harbor problem, we had by 1941 entered into a system of diplomatic secrecy and international intrigue and deception which had already committed this country to world war several days before the Japanese struck Pearl Harbor, and without the slightest knowledge of this on the part of the American public. The implications of such a contingency in a nuclear age are as obvious as they are astounding and ominous. Despite the crucial importance of the Pearl Harbor story for American citizens, it is certainly true that, although the twenty-seventh anniversary of the surprise Japanese attack has now arrived, only a small fraction of the American people are any better acquainted with the realities of the responsibility for the attack than they were when President Roosevelt delivered his "Day of Infamy" oration on December 8, 1941. The legends and rhetoric of that day still dominate the American mind. Interestingly enough, the American people narrowly missed having an opportunity to learn the essential truths about Pearl Harbor in a sensational and fully publicized manner less than three years after the event. As a result of research by his staff, and possibly some "leaks" from Intelligence officers of 1941, Thomas E. Dewey, the Republican candidate for the presidency, had learned during the campaign of 1944 that President Roosevelt had been reading the intercepted Japanese diplomatic messages in the Purple and other codes and was aware of the threat of a Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor at any time after November 26, 1941, but had failed to warn the commanders there, General Walter C. Short and Admiral Husband E. Kimmel, in time to avert the attack or to meet it effectively. Dewey considered presenting these vital facts in a major campaign speech. Roosevelt learned of this through the Democratic grapevine planted at Republican headquarters and, in understandable alarm, pressured Mr. Dewey through General George C. Marshall to abandon his plan, on the ground that it would endanger the war effort by revealing that we had broken Japanese codes. Marshall twice sent Colonel Carter W. Clarke to urge Dewey not to refer to Pearl Harbor during the campaign. To cover up for Roosevelt, Marshall has contended that he operated on his own initiative in sending Clarke to importune Dewey. As Clarke knew by this time, the basis of his plea was spurious, namely, that such a speech by Dewey would first reveal to the Japanese that we had broken their Purple diplomatic code. <strong>...</strong></p>Barnes Harry Elmer - Perpetual war for perpetual peaceurn:md5:a4fd2d2be5aa2984ddc7f59a26326da12013-05-16T00:54:00+01:002013-05-16T00:54:00+01:00balderBarnes Harry ElmerAmerica <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Barnes_Harry_Elmer_-_Perpetual_war_for_perpetual_peace_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Barnes Harry Elmer</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Perpetual war for perpetual peace A critical examination of the foreign policy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and its aftermath</strong><br />
Year : 1953<br />
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America goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all. She is the champion and vindicator only of her own. She will recommend the general cause by the countenance of her voice, and the benignant sympathy of her example. She well knows that by once enlisting under other banners than her own, were they even the banners of foreign independence, she would involve herself beyond the power of extrication in all the wars of interest and intrigue, of individual avarice, envy and ambition, which assume the colors and usurp the standards of freedom. The fundamental maxims of her policy would insensibly change from liberty to force.— JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. PREFACE. This book is a critical survey and appraisal of the development of American foreign policy during the Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt and of its results, as they have affected the course of world history, the national interest of the United States, and the welfare of its citizens. It was originally conceived by the editor as an answer to Basil Rauch's Roosevelt horn Munich to Pearl Harbor, the first full-sized effort to whitewash the interventionist foreign policy of President Roosevelt. When the prospective contributors were approached, they, without exception, questioned the logic and wisdom of directing the fire of a piece of heavy artillery against a mouse, however sleek and pretentious. They suggested, instead, a comprehensive review of the interventionist foreign policy since 1937 which would constitute an effective and enduring answer to the whitewashing and blackout contingents as a group, present and future. The editor has deferred to their superior judgment. Professor Rauch's contentions, however, receive adequate attention, not only incidentally throughout the volume but directly in the chapter by Professor Lundberg. The book here presented is not only an account of the actual course and aftermath of Roosevelt diplomacy, such as has already been factually and courageously set forth by George Morgenstern, Charles Austin Beard, Frederic R. Sanborn, William Henry Chamberlin, and Charles Callan Tansill, but it is also a consideration of the background and results of this diplomacy, and of the great difficulties met today by historians, social scientists, and publicists who honestly seek to discover and publish the facts relative to the foreign policies of Presidents Roosevelt and Truman. But the book is not a partisan polemic. The editor and the contributors fully recognize that more can be said in defense of the foreign policy of Messrs. Roosevelt and Truman than in behalf of the fantastic policy of their bipartisan Republican supporters, who cannot even invoke realistic political expediency in support of their attitude and conduct. Even much of the Republican criticism of the Roosevelt- Truman foreign policy boils down to little more than the allegation that it has not been sufficiently aggressive, ruthless, and global. The title of this book was suggested to the editor by the late Charles Austin Beard in our last conversation. With characteristic cogency and incisiveness, Beard held that the foreign policy of Presidents Roosevelt and Truman, and of their ideological supporters, whether Democrats, Republicans, Socialists, or Communists, could most accurately and precisely be described by the phrase "perpetual war for perpetual peace." Events since that time (June, 1947) have further reinforced Beard's sagacity and insight in this respect. George Orwell's brilliant and profoundly prophetic novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four, has since shown how a new political order throughout the world may be erected on the premises and implications of this goal of perpetual war, presented in the guise of a global struggle of free peoples for perpetual peace. <strong>...</strong></p>