Balder Ex-Libris - Engdahl WilliamReview of books rare and missing2024-03-16T01:56:42+00:00urn:md5:aa728a70505b2fae05796923271581c2DotclearEngdahl William - Seeds of destructionurn:md5:a14f0ae9f7a9370f6f9151aa5bf3f16a2013-11-27T01:25:00+00:002013-11-27T01:38:38+00:00balderEngdahl WilliamEugenicsTraditionUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Engdahl_F_William_-_Seeds_of_destruction_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Engdahl William</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Seeds of destruction The hidden agenda of genetic manipulation</strong><br />
Year : 2007<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook2/Engdahl_William_-_Seeds_of_destruction.zip">Engdahl_William_-_Seeds_of_destruction.zip</a><br />
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This book is about a project undertaken by a'small socio-political elite, centered, after the Second World War, not in London, but in Washington. It is the untold story of how this self-anointed elite set out, in Kennan's words, to "maintain this position of disparity" It is the story of how a tiny few dominated the resources and levers of power in the postwar world. It's above all a history of the evolution of power in the control of a select few, in which even science was put in the service of that minority. As Kennan recommended in his 1948 internal memorandum, they pursued their policy relentlessly, and without the "luxury of altruism and world-benefaction." Yet, unlike their predecessors within leading circles of the British Empire, this emerging American elite, who proclaimed proudly at war's end the dawn of their American Century, were masterful in their use of the rhetoric of altruism and world-benefaction to advance their goals. Their American Century paraded as a softer empire, a "kinder, gentler" one in which, under the banner of colonialliberation, freedom, democracy and economic development, those elite circles built a network of power the likes of which the world had not seen since the time of Alexander the 'Great some three centuries before Christ-a global empire unified under the military control of a sole superpower, able to decide on a whim, the fate of entire nations. This book is the sequel to a first volume, A Century of War : AngloAmerican Oil Politics and the New World Order. It traces a second thin red line of power. This one is about the control over the very basis of human survival, our daily provision of bread. The man who served the interests of the postwar American-based elite during the 1970's, and came to symbolize its raw realpolitik, was Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Sometime in the mid-1970's, Kissinger, a life-long practitioner of "Balance of Power" geopolitics and a man with more than a fair share of conspiracies under his belt, allegedly declared his blueprint for world domination: "Control the oil and you control nations. Control the food, and you control the people." The strategic goal to control global food security had its roots decades earlier, well before the outbreak of war in the late 1930's. It was funded, often with little notice, by select private foundations, which had been created to preserve the wealth and power of a handful of American families. Originally the families centered their wealth and power in New York and along the East Coast of the United States, from Boston to New York to Philadelphia and Washington D.C. For that reason, popular media accounts often referred to them, sometimes with derision but more often with praise, as the East Coast Establishment. The center of gravity of American power shifted in the decades following the War. The East Coast Establishment was overshadowed by new centers of power which evolved from Seattle to Southern California on the Pacific Coast, as well as in Houston, LasVegas, Atlanta and Miami, just as the tentacles of American power spread to Asia and Japan, and south, to the nations of Latin America. In the several decades before and immediately following World War II, one family came to symbolize the hubris and arrogance of thi,s emerging American Century more than any other. And the vast fortune of that family had been built on the blood of many wars, and on their control of a new "black gold" oil. What was unusual about this family was that early on in the building of their fortune, the patriarchs and advisors they culti. vated to safeguard their wealth decided to expand their influence over many very different fields. They sought control not merely over oil, the emerging new energy source for world economic advance. They also expanded their influence over the education of youth, medicine and psychology, foreign policy of the United States, and, significant for our story, over the very science of life itself, biology, and its applications in the world of plants and agriculture. For the most part, their work passed unnoticed by the larger population, especially in the United States. Few Americans were aware how their lives were being subtly, and sometimes not so subtly, influenced by one or another project financed by the immense wealth of this family. In the course of researching for this book, a work nominally on the subject of genetically modified organisms or GMO, it soon became clear that the history of GMO was inseparable from the political history of this one very powerful family, the Rockefeller family, and the four brothers-David, Nelson, Laurance and John D. III-who, in the three decades following American victory in World War II, the dawn of the much-heralded American Century, shaped the evolution of power George Kennan referred to in 1948. In actual fact, the story of GMO is that of the evolution of power in the hands of an elite, determined at all costs to bring the entire world under their sway. Three decades ago, that powerwas based around the Rockefeller family. Today, three of the four brothers are long-since deceased, several under peculiar circumstances. However, as was their will, their project of global domination-"full spectrum dominance" as the Pentagon later called it-had spread, often through a rhetoric of "democracy:' and was aided from time to time by the raw military power of that empire when deemed necessary. Their project evolved to the point where one small power group, nominally headquartered in Washington in the early years of the new century, stood determined to control future and present life on this planet to a degree never before dreamed of. The story of the genetic engineering and patenting of plants and other living organisms cannot be understood without looking at the history of the global spread of American power in the decades following World War II. George Kennan, Henry Luce, Averell Harriman and, above all, the four Rockefeller brothers, created the very concept of multinational "agribusiness': They financed the "Green Revolution" in the agriculture sector of developing countries in order, among other things, to create new markets for petto-chemical fertilizers and petroleum products, as well as to expand dependency on energy products. Their actions are an inseparable part of the story of genetically modified crops today. <strong>...</strong></p>Engdahl William - A century of warurn:md5:181573bb512ee89f8eeb6ef603d967d42013-04-09T15:25:00+01:002013-04-09T14:26:11+01:00balderEngdahl WilliamAnglo-SaxonEnglandUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Engdahl_William_-_A_century_of_war_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Engdahl William</strong><br />
Title : <strong>A century of war Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order</strong><br />
Year : 2004<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Engdahl_William_-_A_century_of_war.zip">Engdahl_William_-_A_century_of_war.zip</a><br />
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The fall of the Berlin Wall at the end of the 1980s and the collapse of the Soviet Union were hailed by many as the dawn of a new era of peace and prosperity. Some authors, such as Francis Fukuyama, proclaimed it as the beginning of the end of history. The entire world seemed to open to economic cooperation, to investment, to democratic ideas. Trade barriers fell, doors opened. Little more than a decade later, the optimism was long forgotten as the outlines of a very different world were emerging. As this preface to the new edition of A Century of War was written, the world was mired in a bloody series of wars, the most serious being the war in Iraq. It soon became clear to the world that the decision of President George W. Bush to go to war against Iraq had little to do with the threat of weapons of mass destruction. It was also increasingly clear that the U.S. agenda in Iraq had little to do with the proclaimed effort to ‘bring democracy’ to a once despotic Iraq. That naturally raised in many minds the question of why the United States put so much of its credibility, of its reputation, of what some call its soft power, at risk, for apparently so little. The answer to the question was a short one: it was about oil. But not about oil in the simple sense many believed. This war was not an issue of corporate greed. It was about power, and geopolitical power above all. War in Iraq was about the very basis of America’s ‘national security,’ of future American power. America’s role as the sole hegemon was the unspoken reason for the war, and for this reason neither of the major presidential candidates offered an alternative to American military occupation of the vast oilfi elds of Mesopotamia. Iraq, as hawkish Pentagon strategists put it, was part of the American post-cold war agenda, U.S. pursuit of ‘full spectrum dominance.’ The role of oil in the war, and the role of oil in most of the wars of the past century or more forms the heart of this study of power and geography. It is the thread running through the chapters of this book. In 1904, a British geographer, Halford Mackinder, presented a series of theses to the Royal Geographic Society in London under the title ‘The Geographical Pivot of History.’ Almost a century later, American security adviser and strategist Zbigniew Brzezinski spoke in admiration of the work of Mackinder and his theory of Eurasian geopolitics. It quietly but clearly guided American global strategy. The occupation of the oilfi elds of Iraq, the war in Kosovo and the Balkans, endless civil wars in Africa, fi nancial crises across Asia, the dramatic collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent emergence of a Russian oligarchy, blessed by the International Monetary Fund and by Washington, all assumed coherence in a world where geopolitics, power and control dictated relations. This book is no ordinary history of oil. The bare facts can be found elsewhere. The causal force driving the events is rarely spoken of. Here we present a sometimes controversial description of power and war, fi nance and economic warfare, and the relation of oil and fi nance to that power. One year after the U.S. occupation of Baghdad, the goals and aims of the world’s only superpower were being questioned as they had not been since the Vietnam War. Degrading scenes of Iraqis being tortured fi lled the pages of world media. Allegations of corruption and collusion reaching up to the highest levels of Washington offi cialdom were commonplace. Outrage across the Islamic world was growing against a Washington foreign policy that had little in common with the policies of the U.S. Founding Fathers. Yet too much of the debate failed to take into account the fundamentals of American national security or its power. In 1945, the sun fi nally set on the British Empire. A year later in Fulton, Missouri, Winston Churchill helped light the spark of what came to be four decades of cold war. It was the emergence of the system which Henry Luce termed the American Century. The American Century, stripped of the rhetoric of freedom, peace and democracy, was based on clear US hegemony among nations. It rested on two pillars. The one pillar was the uncontested role of US military power, a dominance which no combination of powers had been able to challenge since the end of the Second World War in 1945. The Soviet Union ultimately collapsed amid ruin in the effort to challenge that hegemony. In 1979 China decided to cooperate with that hegemony and realized, perhaps too late, that it had been a double-edged sword. The second pillar of American power was the uncontested role of the dollar as world reserve currency. The United States created the Bretton Woods System in 1944, in order to establish this unique role. The dollar served as reserve currency long after it had not one ounce of gold to back it. The combined power of its military dominance and monetary dominance allowed the United States the enviable luxury of printing endless paper certifi cates, its dollars, and giving them to the rest of the world in exchange for well-engineered cars, machinery, textiles and every imaginable product. It was the greatest confi dence game the world had ever seen. Americans bought the imports with more dollar debt, creating an edifi ce of dollar debt on which the entire world was dependent. This special hegemony also allowed the United States to become the world’s largest debtor, to run endless trade imbalances, to infl ate its currency beyond imagination, to create a buildup of private and public debt unprecedented in world history. So long as other nations depended on American markets for their trade, and on American military protection for their national security, the game appeared endless. Japan’s role as ‘lender of last resort’ to the U.S. was supplemented at the turn of the century by China. Hundreds of billions of dollars in Japanese, Chinese and other foreign purchases of U.S. Treasury debt, U.S. real estate debt, and other assets, propped up the American economy long after it made any economic sense. The power of the dollar and the power of the U.S. military had been uniquely intertwined with one commodity, the basis of the world economic growth engine, since before the First World War. That commodity was petroleum, and in its service British, American, German, French, Italian, and other nations called their soldiers to war. As Henry Kissinger once expressed this importance: ‘control energy and you control the nations.’ Oil played a decisive role in the collapse of the Soviet Union. Oil defi ned American foreign policy in much of the world during the cold war. And oil defi nes American military actions since the end of the cold war as never before. The how and why of that process defi ne our theme here. In 1919 Mackinder termed the winning of a British Mandate over Palestine the most important geopolitical outcome of the First World War. In the fi rst decade of the third millennium, Palestine and Israel and Middle East geopolitics were still at the heart of world power politics, even if the players in the power complex had changed. How the destiny of the American Century was tied to the destiny of this small part of the world was a question of heated debate and discussion. A group of ultra-conservative ideologues largely around the Republican Party of George Bush were been accused of turning American foreign policy into a unilateral pursuit of military empire. Some defenders boasted of being democratic imperialists. Other Republicans and Democrats called for a return to traditional American foreign policy, a hegemony in which consensus among its Allies was essential. Both sides of this debate were misleading. Both factions accepted the underlying assumptions of an economic and political power which was no longer sustainable nor healthy for the United States nor for the rest of the world. This book seeks to shed light on some lesser known aspects of our history, in an effort to provoke thinking beyond the moment, beyond embedded journalist impressions of reality, or major media sound-bite versions of reality, to encourage ordinary citizens to refl ect on longer-term consequences of what our governments do with our mandate. If it leads to some critical questions being asked, its aim will have been met. F. William Engdahl Hochheim am Main June 2004. <strong>...</strong></p>