Balder Ex-Libris - Hitler AdolfReview of books rare and missing2024-03-16T01:56:42+00:00urn:md5:aa728a70505b2fae05796923271581c2DotclearHitler Adolf - Hitler's Table talk 1941-1944urn:md5:d0ac27a7b2d0207e1c95cbf166329e1a2019-10-18T15:37:00+01:002023-11-25T20:42:20+00:00balderHitler AdolfConspiracyFührerGermanyJewPropagandaSecond World WarThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Hitler_s_Table_talk_1941-1944_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Hitler's Table talk 1941-1944 His Private Conversations</strong><br />
Year : 1953<br />
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Saturday, 5th July 1941. Aryans and Russians—Necessity of the mailed fist in Russia—Deterioration of soil. What we need is a collective view of people's wish to live and manner of living. We must distinguish between the Fascist popular movement and the popular movement in Russia. The Fascist movement is a spontaneous return to the traditions of ancient Rome. The Russian movement has an essential tendency towards anarchy. By instinct, the Russian does not incline towards a higher form of society. Certain peoples can live in such a way that with them a collection of family units does not make a whole; and although Russia has set up a social system which, judged by Western standards, qualifies for the designation " State ", it is not, in fact, a system which is either congenial or natural to her. It is true that, in a sense, every product of human culture, every work gifted with beauty can be born only of the effect of the constraint which we call education. The Aryan peoples are peoples who are particularly active. A man like Krümel works from morning to night; such-andsuch another person never stops thinking. In the same way, the Italian is as diligent as an ant (bienenfleissig). In the eyes of the Russian, the principal support of civilisation is vodka. His ideal consists in never doing anything but the indispensable. Our conception of work (work, and then more of it!) is one that he submits to as if it were a real curse. It is doubtful whether anything at all can be done in Russia without the help of the Orthodox priest. It's the priest who has been able to reconcile the Russian to the fatal necessity of work —by promising him more happiness in another world. The Russian will never make up his mind to work except under compulsion from outside, for he is incapable of organising himself. And if, despite everything, he is apt to have organisation thrust upon him, that is thanks to the drop of Aryan blood in his veins. It's only because of this drop that the Russian people has created something and possesses an organised State, It takes energy to rule Russia. The corollary is that, the tougher a country's régime, the more appropriate it is that equity and justice should be practised there. The horse that is not kept constantly under control forgets in the wink of an eye the rudiments of training that have been inculcated into it. In the same way, with the Russian, there is an instinctive force that invariably leads him back to the state of nature. People sometimes quote the case of the horses that escaped from a ranch in America, and by some ten years later had formed huge herds of wild horses. It is so easy for an animal to go back to its origins ! For the Russian, the return to the state of nature is a return to primitive forms of life. The family exists, the female looks after her children, like the female of the hare, with all the feelings of a mother. But the Russian doesn't want anything more. His reaction against the constraint of the organised State (which is always a constraint, since it limits the liberty of the individual) is brutal and savage, like all feminine reactions. When he collapses and should yield, the Russian bursts into lamentations. This will to return to the state of nature is exhibited in his revolutions. For the Russian, the typical form of revolution is nihilism. I think there's still petroleum in thousands of places. As for coal, we know we're reducing the natural reserves, and that in so doing we are creating gaps in the sub-soil. But as for petroleum, it may be that the lakes from which we are drawing are constantly renewed from invisible reservoirs. Without doubt, man is the most dangerous microbe imaginable. He exploits the ground beneath his feet without ever asking whether he is disposing thus of products that would perhaps be indispensable to the life of other regions. If one examined the problem closely, one would probably find here the origin of the catastrophes that occur periodically in the earth's surface. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Mein Kampf The Stalag editionurn:md5:6aa91c7b2636ac43516ff7347daf48062018-04-05T22:13:00+01:002018-04-05T21:16:33+01:00balderHitler AdolfConspiracyEnglandEuropeFascismForbidden HistoryGermanyJewThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img4/Hitler_Adolf_-_Mein_Kampf_The_Stalag_edition.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Mein Kampf The Stalag edition The Stalag edition</strong><br />
Year : 1924<br />
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The only complete and officially authorised english translation ever issued. Translator : unknown NSDAP member. First issued as My Struggle by Adolf Hitler. Zentral Verlag der NSDAP, Franz Eher Nachf. GMBH 1937–1944. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Collection of speeches 1922-1945urn:md5:10d3981502825c6ad15a9916e72d97832016-04-30T06:55:00+01:002016-04-30T05:59:20+01:00balderHitler AdolfConspiracyEconomyEuropeFührerGermanyJewRussiaSecond World WarThird ReichUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img3/Hitler_Adolf_-_Collection_of_speeches_1922-1945.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Collection of speeches 1922-1945</strong><br />
Year : 19**<br />
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Adolf Hitler – speech in Munich. April 12, 1922. fter the War production had begun again and it was thought that better times were coming, Frederick the Great after the Seven Years War had, as the result of superhuman efforts, left Prussia without a penny of debt: at the end of the World War Germany was burdened with her own debt of some 7 or 8 milliards of marks and beyond that was faced with the debts of 'the rest of the world' - the so-called 'reparations.' The product of Germany's work thus belonged not to the nation, but to her foreign creditors: 'it was carried endlessly in trains for territories beyond our frontiers.' Every worker had to support another worker, the product of whose labor was commandeered by the foreigner. 'The German people after twenty-five or thirty years, in consequence of the fact that it will never be able to pay all that is demanded of it, will have so gigantic a sum still owing that practically it will be forced to produce more than it does today.' What will the end be? and the answer to that question is 'Pledging of our land, enslavement of our labor-strength. Therefore, in the economic sphere, November 1918 was in truth no achievement, but it was the beginning of our collapse.' And in the political sphere we lost first our military prerogatives, and with that loss went the real sovereignty of our State, and then our financial independence, for there remained always the Reparations Commission so that 'practically we have no longer a politically independent German Reich, we are already a colony of the outside world. We have contributed to this because so far as possible we humiliated ourselves morally, we positively destroyed our own honor and helped to befoul, to besmirch, and to deny everything which we previously held as sacred.' If it be objected that the Revolution has won for us gains in social life: they must be extraordinarily secret, these social gains - so secret that one never sees them in practical life - they must just run like a fluid through our German atmosphere. Someone may say 'Well, there is the eight-hour day!' And was a collapse necessary to gain that? And will the eight-hour day be rendered any more secure through our becoming practically the bailiff and the drudge of the other peoples? One of these days France will say: You cannot meet your obligations, you must work more. So this achievement of the Revolution is put in question first of all by the Revolution. Then someone has said: 'Since the Revolution the people has gained Rights. The people governs!' Strange! The people has now been ruling three years and no one has in practice once asked its opinion. Treaties were signed which will hold us down for centuries: and who has signed the treaties? The people? No! Governments which one fine day presented themselves as Governments. And at their election the people had nothing to do save to consider the question: there they are already, whether I elect them or not. If we elect them, then they are there through our election. But since we are a self-governing people, we must elect the folk in order that they may be elected to govern us. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Last political testamenturn:md5:d064bf7eb7d28eff9ef9f8a5389064702015-08-24T02:12:00+01:002015-08-24T02:13:54+01:00balderHitler AdolfBerlinEgyptFührerMythologyThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img3/Hitler_Adolf_-_Last_political_testament.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Last political testament</strong><br />
Year : 1945<br />
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Berlin April 29, 1945. Since 1914, when as a volunteer, I made my modest contribution in the World War which was forced upon the Reich, over thirty years have passed. In these three decades, only love for my people and loyalty to my people have guided me in all my thoughts, actions, and life. They gave me the strength to make the most difficult decisions, such as no mortal has yet had to face. I have exhausted my time, my working energy, and my health in these three decades. It is untrue that I or anybody else in Germany wanted war in 1939. It was desired and instigated exclusively by those international statesmen who were either of Jewish origin or working for Jewish interests. I have made so many offers for the reduction and elimination of armaments, which posterity cannot explain away for all eternity, that the responsibility for the outbreak of this war cannot rest on me. Furthermore, I never desired that after the first terrible World War a second war should arise against England or even against America. Centuries may pass, but out of the ruins of our cities and monuments of art there will arise anew the hatred for the people who alone are ultimately responsible: International Jewry and its helpers ! <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - The speeches of Adolf Hitlerurn:md5:13cd0e9da24745460ea7ced7636ef06c2013-12-18T13:55:00+00:002013-12-19T14:07:38+00:00balderHitler AdolfCatholiqueChristianismeConspiracyConspirationFührerGermanyHébraïsmeJewRévolutionThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Hitler_Adolf_-_The_speeches_of_Adolf_Hitler_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The speeches of Adolf Hitler</strong><br />
Year : 1921-1941<br />
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Munich, Gathering of the SA - Speech of November 9, 1921. On November 9, 1921 - just five days after the Battle of the Hall (Saalschlacht) where fewer than fifty SA Men had beaten back more than 400 communists and Jews who had tried to disrupt Hitler's speech in the Festival Hall of the Hofbrauhaus--Adolf Hitler addressed a gathering of SA Men. The following is what he told them: For us there are only two possibilities: either we remain German or we come under the thumb of the Jews. This latter must not occur; even if we are small, we are a force. A well-organized group can conquer a strong enemy. If you stick close together and keep bringing in new people, we will be victorious over the Jews. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Why we are antisemitesurn:md5:dc2a1824ea527ca10b1a55a420ee9b842013-12-08T23:09:00+00:002013-12-08T23:10:26+00:00balderHitler AdolfConspiracyEuropeEuropeFührerGermanyJewThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Why_we_are_antisemites_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Why we are antisemites</strong><br />
Year : 1920<br />
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My dear countrymen and women! We are quite used to being generally referred to as monsters. And we are considered particularly monstrous because, in a question that certain gentlemen in Germany are nervous about, we are marching at the head – namely in the question of the opposition to the Jews. Our people understand many things but this one problem nobody wants to understand, and in particular because, as a worker explained: “What connection is there at all between the workers and the Jewish Problem, when in reality most of the people have no idea what this problem means.” Most people let themselves be guided by feelings and say: “I have seen good and bad people among them, just like among ourselves.” Very few have learned to view the problem free of emotion, in its clean form. I will at once begin with the word “work”. What does it mean – work? Work is an activity performed not of one’s free will, but for the sake of one’s fellowmen. If there is a difference between man and animals, so it is particularly regarding work, which does not originate in an instinct but comes from an understanding of a necessity. Hardly any revolution had so deep an effect as the slow one which gradually transformed the lazy man of primeval time into the man who works. Talking of work, we can assume that this activity followed these three phases: First, it was an effect of a simple instinct of self-preservation which we also see in animals. Later, it developed into the second form of work – the one from pure egoism. Also this form became gradually replaced by the third: Work out of ethical sense of duty, where an individual does not work because he is forced to it. We see it at every turn. Millions of people work without being constantly forced to it. Thousands of intellectuals are sometimes bound to their studies for whole nights on end, day after day, although they may not do it for material gains. The hundreds of thousands of German workers after the end of their work tend their gardens. And, generally, we see today that millions of people cannot imagine living without some sort of occupation. When I said that this process represents a slow but perhaps also the greatest of all revolutions in human history, then one must assume that also this revolution had to have a cause, and this cause was the greatest Goddess of this Earth, the one who is able to whip men to the uttermost – the Goddess of Hardship. We can see this hardship in early prehistory, above all in the northern part of the world, in those enormous ice deserts where only the meagrest existence was possible. Here, men were forced to fight for their existence, for things which were, in the smiling South, available without work, and in abundance. In those times man made perhaps his first groundbreaking discovery: In those cold stretches man was forced to find a substitute for the only gift of Heaven which makes life possible – the Sun. And the man who produced the first artificial sparks later appeared to Humanity as a god – Prometheus, the fire-bringer. The North forced men to further activity – production of clothes, building of abodes. First, it was simple caves, later huts and houses. In short, he created a principle, the principle of work. Life would not have been possible without it. Although work was still simple, it had already to be planned beforehand and each individual knew that if he has not done his part, he will die of hunger in the coming winter. At the same time another development followed – the terrible hardship became a means for breeding of a race. Whoever was weak or sickly could not survive the terrible winter period and died prematurely. What remained was a race of strong and healthy giants. Yet another trait of this race was born. Where man is externally muzzled, where his radius of action is limited, he begins to develop internally. Externally limited, internally he becomes unlimited. The more man, due to external forces, must depend on himself, the deeper internal life he develops and the more he turns inward. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Mein Kampf Michael Fordurn:md5:d21a05003f3c13da321086ce9093e8842013-07-16T17:13:00+01:002021-02-06T23:12:04+00:00balderHitler AdolfConspiracyGermanyJewSecond World War <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Mein_Kampf_Michael_Ford_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Mein Kampf Michael Ford</strong><br />
Year : 1930<br />
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Mein Kampf is one of the most widely known and heavily quoted books of all time. It demonstrates both Hitler’s ability to persuade and his ability to instill a sense of heroic destiny. It is critical that you understand Hitler’s reasoning. Short, one-hour video documentaries only provide an abbreviated discussion of “what Hitler did”, leaving the viewer clueless about who he was and why he did it. His own words are the best way to understand why. When most people hear the title, Mein Kampf, their first reaction is a growing emotional outburst that finally erupts in a yell of anti-Semitism; however anyone who has read Mein Kampf knows there is much more to the work. It is a retrospective on history, politics, and a guide to achieving power from the point of view of Adolf Hitler. It has become a dictators’ manual, which has been read by all major dictators since World War II including Sadam Hussein who patterned his political movement, the Ba’ath party, after the Nazi party. The accuracy of the political parts of Mein Kampf was proven by Hitler’s successful rise to power and by the rise of those who have followed his formula. Many people think Mein Kampf is a long diatribe against Jews and other races. The truth is that only a small part of Mein Kampf is anti-Semitic. The majority of the book involves Hitler’s discussion of the German people’s difficult times after the First World War, his political theories and his organization of the Nazi Party, and it includes an especially large number of attacks against his enemies. Mein Kampf is a large work that offers an interesting interpretation of politics, people, and foreign policy matters. To characterize it as simply a racist work is to oversimplify its message. Germany did not follow Hitler because he was a racist, they followed him because he promised a great future, and Mein Kampf is where he promised that great future. It is important to understand that reading anti-Semitic passages or passages on race will not turn anyone into an anti-Semite. You do not have to worry about being filled with hatred simply by reading Mein Kampf; it is not a magic tome. Some people have so little faith in their own beliefs that they fear any exposure to Mein Kampf might twist them into something evil. If their beliefs are so fragile, so easily twisted, then they are already evil. Unfortunately, many people are afraid that if they do not violently reject anything connected to Mein Kampf, and reject it in a showy way so that everyone sees their public display of rejection, then it somehow means they approve of the Holocaust. Of course, that is not logical reasoning and it seems silly when it is spelled out, but people often live by their gut reaction and do not think about why they dislike Mein Kampf—they just know they “do” or that they “should”. They are driven by fear, which leads to a hatred of Mein Kampf without a rational basis and without the need to read it in order to understand what it says. They want to live in a simple world where they can conveniently dismiss Hitler as a raving lunatic along with anyone else who does not immediately jump up at the mention of his name to join in the shouting match. It is foolish to dismiss Hitler’s words as the rantings of a psychopath. To do so is to ignore historical facts. The people of Germany did not follow a ranting crazy man into war. They willingly followed someone they saw as a leader, a father, even a god, because they believed in him. To dismiss his work as lunacy is the equivalent of hiding your head in the sand and pretending the world is a nice place where nothing bad can happen again now that Hitler is gone. To claim Hitler was simply crazy is to over simplify the facts and ignore the obvious. Someone else will appear who uses the same formula to gain power. If you cannot recognize the signs of Hitlerian Power, if you do not know how to counter their efforts, if you remain confused and uncertain as your opponent makes his moves, step by step with decisiveness and intention, and your inaction allows him to come closer to power, then you have already lost and they have won, for they know the rules of the game and you do not. Only through understanding can we come to grips with why the German people followed Hitler and why so many today still follow his example. The Mein Kampf book has had a number of incarnations. The first volume was written while Hitler served a prison sentence in 1924(Published July 1925). The second volume was published in December 1926. Later, after 1930, the two volumes were combined into the Mein Kampf we know today. Special editions were produced for Hitler’s 50th birthday, for wedding gifts, and a special soldier’s edition among others. Mein Kampf is not strictly autobiographical or strictly political; it is a combination of both. Mein Kampf has elements that are autobiographical—for instance, the first chapter of Mein Kampf is about Hitler’s childhood, but even this is a political exposition. Hitler’s personal life was so devoted to political ideas that even strictly biographical sections had to be very political in nature. Hitler never sat down to write Mein Kampf. One of the benefits he was allowed in prison was a personal secretary. His secretaries Rudolf Hess and Emil Maurice typed as Hitler paced across the floor and around the desk, dictating what he wanted the Nazi party to know. The second volume was dictated to Hess and Maurice in Hitler’s villa on Obersalzberg. Mein Kampf was primarily intended as an internal guide for his followers. In it, he reveals more than he might have wanted the public to know. One of the most marked characteristics of Mein Kampf is its emotional tone. It is difficult not to be moved by many passages when Hitler speaks of perceived injustices dealt to the German people. This gave his speeches great power and, though tempered in the written word, this power can still be felt very clearly. The tone can be in part attributed to the environment in which it was composed. Hitler’s standing and pacing in his small cell, speaking as his thoughts flowed while Hess frantically transcribed his words, trying to keep up. Hitler increasingly worked himself to frenzy, building on his own fervor, until he became exhausted. The title Hitler initially wanted to give his work reflects the emotional nature of its content: Four and a Half Years of Fighting Against Lies, Stupidity, and Cowardice. His editor found this title to be wordy and asked him to change it to Mein Kampf. Mein Kampf is most commonly translated as “My Struggle”, however, the real meaning is somewhere between “My Struggle” and “My Battle” for the people. It was not intended to describe his own greatness; it was meant to describe his battle for the greatness of Germany and for the preservation of the German race and the world. Today, many people accept Hitler’s contention that human existence is controlled by the laws of an eternal conflict and struggle for a greater good. This is by definition the classic Hero’s Struggle. It is not surprising that people followed Hitler. It is surprising that more did not. His words offered the chance for everyone to participate in his personal Hero’s journey—to be a part of something greater than they could ever be on their own. He was the hero of his own story, of course, only a fool would write their autobiography any other way. He appealed to very basic human instincts which are still present in everyone and still just as available for another would-be leader to massage and control. Hitler’s words have a universal appeal that will continue to resonate among people who seek something greater than they perceive their own life to be. The world has become so distracted by the later events of World War II and with the handful of racial comments in Mein Kampf, it has forgotten about the significance of the Third Reich’s other activities. Hitler withdrew from the League of Nations; Hitler marched into the Rhineland; Hitler repudiated German disarmament; Hitler took back the coal mines of the Saar and established a National Socialist government; Hitler joined Mussolini in Spain and marched into Austria; Hitler forced Chamberlain to accept the Munich pact. With each act, the world covered their eyes and proclaimed, “Thank goodness this will be the last of Nazi aggressions”. Yet Hitler’s future plans were already spelled out in Mein Kampf. Many have criticized world leaders for not taking the words in Mein Kampf more seriously and for not using it as a guide to thwart Hitler’s plans. Such accusations are the result of hindsight. Mein Kampf does lay out very clearly Hitler’s plans, however they are only clear in retrospect. It would be foolish to even attempt to predict what decisions a man will make tomorrow. Hitler made many statements in Mein Kampf that were open to interpretation, and many of his statements were revised or reversed in his later speeches. Many of his actions were not predictable, such as his nonaggression pact with Russia and alliance with Japan, which both completely contradicted Mein Kampf. Following the exact plan of Mein Kampf would have made those events appear impossible. Mein Kampf may have clearly predicted a future in 1925, but there was no way anyone could have used it to see that future, no more than if they copied Mein Kampf quotes onto Tarot cards and attempted to divine Hitler’s plans through a card reading. Even if his individual decisions were not certified and dated, his overall plan was clear and should have been the incitement needed to act much earlier. Unfortunately, the world wanted to wait for proof, more proof, and finally, they wanted to see him act before they felt forced to act against him. Hitler did not have this weakness. He recognized a threat or saw a goal and acted immediately, often even before he had the first piece of proof. That gave him the advantage for many years. Hitler plays on the common belief of the time in Germany that Jews were responsible for their loss in the First World War: “...the Jewish financial and Marxist press intentionally incited the hatred against Germany until one state after another gave up its neutrality and joined the World War coalition, ignoring the real interests of their people in the process”. This view was easy to accept within the borders of Germany, with limited information and a limited view of world events and a history of anti-Semitism. It ignores the accumulation of economic, political, and military rivalries, and the violation of Belgian neutrality that drove England into the war. It also ignores America’s entry into the war which was a clear turning point. These factors, and not the influence of Jewish Germans, turned the tables in The First World War. However, these facts were of no use to Hitler and even the German people were not interested in hearing them. The mood of the German people in 1933 made them dangerously susceptible to falling under the spell of a strong leader. They tried to return to their normal lives and find some national self-respect, but instead they found the way blocked by other nations and blind misunderstanding. The war victors were interested only in reparations. The German labor parties, which might have helped, were split into half a dozen warring camps. This occurred at a time when the people had become accustomed to a long period of strong nationalism. Order and security became more important than a political freedom and that was synonymous with violence and bloodshed. Hitler saw these problems and spoke directly to people’s fears and desires. The German people wanted a strong leader to solve their problems, a leader who could return their national self-respect. To the German people, anti-Semitism, concentration camps, and political oppression were byproducts of what was needed to achieve their desires. Following Hitler was not a great leap for the German people. It was what they needed, when they needed it. Understanding how a leader can appeal to and control a nation without being questioned is critical to identifying similar events unfolding today. Michael Ford Editor. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Secret Bookurn:md5:fdbd79c86f36f0eb01fb2e2e38d72d332012-10-24T23:54:00+01:002021-02-06T23:13:47+00:00balderHitler AdolfEuropeFührerGermanyJewThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Secret_Book_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Secret Book (Zweites Buch)</strong><br />
Year : 1928<br />
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Adolf Hitler's Sequel to Mein Kampf "Politics is history in the making." Such were the words of Adolf Hitler in his untitled,unpublished, and long suppressed second work written only a few years after the publication of Mein Kampf. Only two copies of the 200 page manuscript were originally made, and only one of these has ever been made public. Kept strictly secret under Hitler's orders, the document was placed in an air raid shelter in 1935 where it remained until it's discovery by an American officer in 1945. Written in 1928, the authenticity of the book has been verified by Josef Berg (former employee of the Nazi publishing house Eher Verlag), and Telford Taylor (former Brigadier General U.S.A.R., and Chief Counsel at the Nuremburg war-crimes trials) who, after an analysis made in 1961,comments: "If Hitler's book of 1928 is read against thebackground of the intervening years , it should interest not scholars only, but the general reader. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Address to the Industry Club in Düsseldorfurn:md5:2998b133728d3e381594c3dbb3a393fd2012-04-29T12:29:00+01:002013-12-05T16:35:36+00:00balderHitler AdolfDüsseldorfFührerGermanySecond World WarThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Address_to_the_Industry_Club_in_Dusseldorf_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Address to the Industry Club in Düsseldorf January 27, 1932</strong><br />
Year : 1932<br />
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If today the National Socialist Movement is regarded in many circles in Germany as being opposed to the business world, I believe the reason for this lies in the fact that we formerly adopted a position in respect to the events which determined the development of today’s situation differing from that of the other organizations which play a significant role in public life. Today our views still differ in many points from those of our opponents. It is our conviction that the misery is due not only and not primarily to general world events, for this would more or less exclude, from the very onset, the possibility that an individual people might better its situation. Were it true tha t the German misery is necessarily due solely to a so-called world crisis-a world crisis on the course of which we as Volk naturally can exercise no influence or only an insignificant amount of influence-then Germany’s future could only be described as hopeless. How should a state of affairs change for which no one bears the blame? In my opinion, the view that the world crisis alone is to blame leads, in the long run, to a dangerous pessimism. It is only natural that the more the factors gaiving rise to a certain state of affairs are removed from an individual’s sphere of influence, the more that individual will despair of ever being able to change this state of affairs. The gradual result will perforce be a certain lethargy, an indifference, and ultimately, perhaps despair. For I believe it is of primary importance to break with the view that our fate is determined by the world. It is not true that the final cause of our misery lies in a world crisis, in a world catastrophe; what is true is that we have slipped into a general crisis because certain mistakes were made here from the very beginning. I cannot say: “The general view is that the Peace Treaty of Versailles is the cause of our misfortune.” What is the Peace Treaty of Versailles other than the work o f man? It is not something which has been burdened or imposed upon us by Providence. It is the work of man for which, quite naturally, once again men will have to be held responsible, with their merits and with their faults. If this were not so, how would man ever be able to do away with this work at all? It is my opinion that there is nothing which has been caused by the will of man which cannot in turn be changed by another man’s will. Both the Peace Treaty of Versailles as well as all of the consequences of this Treaty are the result of a policy which was perhaps regarded as being correct, at least in the enemy nations, some fifteen, fourteen or thirteen years ago; seen from our vantage point, it can only be seen as fatal, even though it was still supported by millions of Germans a mere ten years or less ago and only today stands revealed in its utter impossibility. Hence, I must conclude that there is some implicit blame for these events in Germany as well if I want to believe at all that the German Volk can still exercise some influence toward changing these conditions. It is, in my opinion, also false to claim that today’s life in Germany is determined solely by considerations of foreign policy; that the primacy of foreign policy today controls the whole of our domestic life. It is naturally possible for a people to reach a point where factors of foreign policy exclusively influence and determine its domestic life. But let no one say that this circumstance is either natural or was intended from the onset. Rather, the important thing is for a people to lay the necessary groundwork to alter this state of affairs. If anyone tells me that foreign politics are the foremost determining factor in the life of a people, then I must first ask: What do you mean by “politics”? There are a number of definitions: Frederick the Great said: “Politics is the art of serving one’s State with every means.” Bismarck stated: “Politics is the art of the possible”-based upon the concept that everything within the realm of possibility should be done to serve the State and, in the subsequent transition to the concept of nationalities, the nation. Yet another considers that this service to the people can be effected by peaceful as well as military means, for Clausewitz said: “War is the continuation of politics, albeit with different means.” Conversely, Clemenceau believed that peace today is nothing other than the continuation of the battle and the pursuit of the battle aim, although, once again, with different means. In short: politics is and can be nothing other than the realization of the vital interests of a people and the practical waging of its life -battle with all means available. Thus it is quite clear that this life-battle has its initial starting point in the people itself, and that at the same time the people is the object, the value in and of itself, which is to be preserved. All of the functions of this body politic should ultimately fulfill only one purpose: securing the preservation of this body in the future. Therefore I can neither say that foreign policy is of primary significance, nor that economic policy has priority. Naturally a people will require an economy in order to live. But this economy is also only one of the functions the body politic requires for its existence. Primarily, however, the most essential thing is the starting point itself, namely the people in and of itself. One should not say that foreign politics are of prime importance in determining the path of a people; rather, one must say that, first of all, it is the people, with its own intrinsic value, with its organization and training in this value, which marks out its own path within the world around it. I should not say that foreign policy is capable of changing the value of the people to any significant extent; rather, I must say: each people must wage the battle to safeguard its own interests and can only wage a battle which corresponds to its innermost nature, its value, its capabilities, the quality of its organization, etc. Naturally, foreign policies will in turn exercise their retrospective influence. We ourselves have experienced it: what a difference there is in the reactions of the individual peoples to foreign policies! The reaction is determined by the inner state of mind, by the inner value, by the inner disposition, by the capabilities of each individual people. Thus I can ascertain that, even if the basic value of a nation is constant, shifts in the inner organization of the life of this nation can suffice to give rise to a change in its attitude to the external world. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Speech before the Reichstag A reply to U.S. president F.D. Roosevelturn:md5:219d7833957291298183fd015f3918782012-04-29T12:26:00+01:002013-12-05T16:35:33+00:00balderHitler AdolfBerlinFührerGermanyJewNorth AmericaSecond World WarThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Speech_before_the_Reichstag_A_reply_to_US_president_FD_Roosevelt_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Speech before the Reichstag A reply to U.S. president F.D. Roosevelt Berlin, April 28, 1939</strong><br />
Year : 1939<br />
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Deputies, Men of the Reichstag! The President of the United States of America has addressed a telegram to me, with the curious contents of which you are already familiar. Before I, the addressee, actually received this document, the rest of the world had already been informed of it by radio and newspaper reports, and numerous commentaries in the organs of the democratic world press had already profusely enlightened us as to the fact that this telegram was a very skillful tactical document, designed to impose upon the states, in which the people govern, the responsibility for the warlike measures adopted by the plutocratic countries. In view of these facts I decided to summon the German Reichstag so that you, Gentlemen, might have an opportunity of hearing my answer first and of either confirming that answer or rejecting it. But in addition, I considered it desirable to keep to the method of procedure initiated by President Roosevelt and, for my part, to inform the rest of the world of my answer in our way. But I should like also to take this opportunity of giving expression to the feelings with which the tremendous historical happenings of the month of March inspire me. I can give vent to my inmost feelings only in the form of humble thanks to Providence which called upon me and vouchsafed it to me, once an unknown soldier of the Great War, to rise to be the Leader of my people, so dear to me. Providence showed me the way to free our people from the depths of its misery without bloodshed and to lead it upward once again. Providence granted that I might fulfill my life's task-to raise my German people out of the depths of defeat and to liberate it from the bonds of the most outrageous dictate of all times. This alone has been my aim. Since the day on which I entered politics I have been moved by no other idea than that of winning back the freedom of the German Nation, restoring the power and strength of the Reich, overcoming the internal disruption of the nation, remedying its isolation from the rest of the world, and safeguarding the maintenance of its independent economic and political existence. I have worked only to restore that which others once broke by force. I have desired only to make good that which satanic malice or human unreason destroyed or demolished. I have, therefore, taken no step which violated the rights of others, but have only restored that justice which was violated twenty years ago. The present Greater German Reich contains no territory which was not from the earliest times a part of this Reich, bound up with it or subject to its sovereignty. Long before an American continent had been discovered-not to say settled-by white people, this Reich existed, not merely with its present boundaries, but with the addition of many regions and provinces which have since been lost. Twenty-one years ago, when the bloodshed of the war came to an end, millions of minds were filled with the ardent hope that a peace of reason and justice would reward and bless the nations which had been visited by the fearful scourge of the Great War. I say "reward", for all those men and women – whatever the conclusions arrived at by the historians – bore no responsibility for these fearful happenings. In some countries there may still be politicians who even at that time were chargeable with the responsibility for this, the most atrocious massacre of all times, but the vast numbers of the combatant soldiers of every country and nation were by no means guilty, but rather deserving of pity. I myself, as you know, had never played a part in politics before the war, and only, like millions of others, performed such duties as I was called upon to fulfill as a decent citizen and soldier. It was therefore with in absolutely clear conscience that I was able to take up the cause of the freedom and future of my people, both during and after the war. And I can therefore speak in the name of millions and millions of others equally blameless when I declare that all those, who had only fought for their nation in the loyal fulfillment of their duty, were entitled to a peace of reason and justice, so that mankind might at last set to work to make good by joint effort the losses which ail had suffered. But the millions were cheated of this peace; for not only did the German people or the other peoples fighting on our side suffer through the peace treaties, but these treaties had a devastating effect on the victor countries as well. That politics should be controlled by men who had not fought in the war was recognized for the first time as a misfortune. Hatred was unknown to the soldiers, but not to those elderly politicians who had carefully preserved their own precious lives from the horrors of war, and who now descended upon humanity in the guise of insane spirits of revenge. Hatred, malice and unreason were the intellectual forbears of the Treaty of Versailles.* Territories and states with a history going back a thousand years were arbitrarily broken up and dissolved. Men who have belonged together since time immemorial have been torn asunder; economic conditions of life have been ignored while the peoples themselves have been converted into victors and vanquished, into masters possessing all rights and slaves possessing none. This document of Versailles has fortunately been set down in black and white for generations to come, for otherwise it would have been regarded in the future as the grotesque product of a wild and corrupt imagination. Nearly 115,000,000 people have been robbed of their right of self-determination, not by victorious soldiers, but by mad politicians, and have been arbitrarily removed from old communities and made part of new ones without any consideration of blood, origin, common sense or the economic conditions of life. The results were appalling. Though at that time the statesmen were able to destroy a great many things, there was one factor which could not be eliminated; the gigantic mass of people living in Central Europe, crowded together in a confined space, can only ensure its daily bread by the maximum of employment and resultant order. But what did these statesmen of the so-called democratic empires know of these problems? <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Speech delivered by Adolf Hitler before the German Reichtag on january 30, 1939urn:md5:a6f8ecaa5615464a35a3f6c8fac6a1972012-04-08T20:00:00+01:002013-12-05T16:35:27+00:00balderHitler AdolfConspiracyGermanyJewThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Speech_delivered_by_Adolf_Hitler_before_the_German_Reichtag_on_january_30_1939_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Speech delivered by Adolf Hitler before the German Reichtag on january 30, 1939</strong><br />
Year : 1939<br />
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Members of the German Reichstag, When six years ago on this evening tens of thousands of National Socialist fighters marched through the Brandenburg Gate to the light of their torches to express to me who had jnst been appointed Chancellor of the Eeich, their feeling of overwhelming joy and their vows as faithful followers, countless anxious eyes all over Germany and in Berlin gazed upon the beginning of a development, the end of which still seemed unknown and unpredictable. Approximately thirteen million National Socialist voters then supported me. This was a tremendous number but still only a little over a third of all the votes cast. It is true that the other twenty million had been scattered and split up among approximately thirty-five other parties and little groups. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Liberty Art Nationhoodurn:md5:2a18a8bc4e82caef038c0824c20f30f42012-04-08T19:57:00+01:002013-12-05T16:35:23+00:00balderHitler AdolfCommunismEuropeFührerGermanyJewThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Liberty_Art_Nationhood_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Liberty Art Nationhood Three Addresses delivered at the Seventh National Socialist Congress, Nuremberg, 1935. The restoration of German Liberty. Art and Politics. The basis of Nationhood</strong><br />
Year : 1935<br />
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"The Reich is no longer a defenceless plaything. It is no longer at the mercy offoreign predominance. Its defence is assured. We can feel this tranquil sense of security all the more deeply because the German people and their Government have no other object in view than to live in peace andfriendship with their neighbours. We look upon our Army as the protective barrier behind which the Nation can work in peace." Adolf Hitler. FELLOW MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST PARTY : The Congress in which we are now assembled is the Seventh Congress of the National Socialist Movement. It is sixteen years since the Party was founded, and twelve years since our first revolutionary rising. Eleven years ago the Party was founded a second time. And we are now in the third year of our final victory. What tremendous experiences we have been through within the span of about a decade-and-a-half When we began our struggle Germany was in the throes of a chaotic disruption. Those who were then guiding the destinies of the German people were about to make shipwreck of the national honour, together with our national strength and liberty. A nation which had given such high proof of mihtary valour was politically bartered away and betrayed by its own rulers. And today, after sixteen years? In 1933 we called our Congress the Victory Congress and we had good right to do so ; for we considered the final estabhshment of National Socialist power as the characteristic mark of that period. For a similar reason ^ we can proudly designate the present celebrations as the Liberty Congress of the Reich. We are all so impetuously carried along in the swift rhythm of events that it is difficult for the individual to realise sufficiently the immediate and ultimate significance of what has happened. It must be left to History to record how within the span of less than three years since our accession to power a revival took place in Germany which our adversaries certainly had not foreseen and which certain indifferent bourgeois elements have not been able to comprehend but which we, National SociaHsts, have always believed in with an ardent and indomitable faith. This revival will be judged in history as an honourable hquidation of the bankruptcy which took place in 1918. It was just where Germany suffered from the severest collapse that the greatest revival took place. And thus it is that we have always felt this inner recovery of our people to be the most essential element, together with the restoration of the political honour of the nation and therewith the restoration of our human dignity also. The importance of all that we have achieved in the various other branches of national life during the last three years is insignificant in comparison with this inner re-awakening. The urge for self-preservation on the part of the community as a whole unfortunately embraces the egoisms of miUions of individuals. And in our case the individuals were hard hit by the crisis which they had to face in their daily lives. The peasant naturally thinks of the returns he derives from his toil. The worker thinks of his daily wage and the artisan busies himself with the problem of how his wares are selHng. The landlord worries about the rents that his property brings in and the industrialist thinks of the returns that come from the output of his factory, just as the unemployed broods over the chances of getting work or on the amount of his dole. Each person feels his own troubles and thinks them the most essential He feels the weight of his own miseries as the hardest burden of all. But they are bad times indeed when the individual becomes blind to the general condition of things around him and fails to consider or understand the great laws which govern the collective march of events and thereby determine the life of the individual himself. On the occasion of this Third Congress since our accession, to power we, National SociaHsts, can look back with pride over all that has been accomplished during the past three years, even the merely material results that have been achieved in the various spheres of pubhc life. If we consider the people as one great organism and if we reahse that each piece of work, no matter where it be done or what form it may take, is to the ultimate gain of the whole organism, then we shall be able to form at least a general idea of how much our people have benefited by virtue of one fact alone, namely, that the unemployed— who numbered over six millions—have been reduced to one million and three-fourths. In this we have rendered the nation a service which the individual cannot easily estimate at its true value. Since our advent to power we have replaced about five million people in the circuit of national production. This means that for every working day we have given to the German people an average of between thirty and forty million hours of work more than they had previously. This has been their salvation. It does not matter for what kind of production this working power has been employed in the individual cases. Taken all in all, in one year we have given to the nation the fruits of about nine milliard hours of labour. This gigantic achievement, which is distributed in its activities and effects throughout the whole sphere of our national production, is not for the benefit of some individual millionaires. Directly or indirectly, it is bringing about an improvement in the general conditions of living and accordingly enhances our national existence. We know from experience that the damages accruing from fifteen years of progressive dissolution could not be repaired completely within the short span of three years. But what we have done will be supplemented by further restoration in the various spheres of national existence. With the passing of time it must necessarily result in raising not only the general standard of living and the cultural level of the German nation as a whole, but each individual German will be able to perceive and feel the benefit of it in his own life. As regards those results which have been produced by the national effort in the multifarious branches of our economic Hfe as a whole, within three years of National SociaHst leadership, you will have a detailed account laid before you in the series of special lectures which are to be given during the course of this Congress. It has been a magnificent performance. Yet it is only secondary when compared with the work which we have done, by adhering loyally to our programme, in restoring the honour and liberty of the nation. For if this restoration had not taken place, all other measures would have been in vain. That is especially true in a world and at a time where unrest prevails to a degree that has never before been experienced and where \y& are farther removed than ever before from the so-called rule of a higher justice. You will all understand what is in my mind if I ask you at this festive moment to lift your eyes above this hall and take a broad glance at the great world beyond the frontiers of the German nation. Unrest and insecurity are the striking features of the spectacle that meets your gaze. Right is weak and Semblance rules the world. But woe to him who is weak himself! The stronger will take his possessions from him and use them as the grounds of a moral argument to justify his subjugation. Slaves are made where slaves are emancipated. Classes are born where classes are annihilated. The Marxist theorists who preached the doctrine of "Never Again" during the War are now constructing colossal machinery for the purpose of war. The apostles of international conciliation are filling the world with intolerant hatred and are infamously inciting the nations against one another. Those who have signed alliances of peace are studying the possibilities which may be offered by the coming war and the methods to be used in the waging of it. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - The New Germany desires Work and Peaceurn:md5:b5bc276f7117d1954c6509e4116169e22012-04-08T19:36:00+01:002013-12-05T16:35:19+00:00balderHitler AdolfFührerGermanyThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_The_New_Germany_desires_Work_and_Peace_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf - Goebbels Joseph</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The New Germany desires Work and Peace Speeches by Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler the Leader of the New Germany With an Introduction by Dr. Joseph Goebbels</strong><br />
Year : 1931<br />
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INTRODUCTION. The New Germany desires Work and Peace The above is the title given to this collection of the speeches which the German Chancellor, Adolf Hitler, has delivered since his entry into office on the 3Qth January 1933. That this Germany wishes for work needs no further demonstration. Nearly five million men and women are struggling to regain the positions they have lost in factories and offices. Unemployment, that terrible disease of our times, keeps them idle. The governments of the past, who, along with their system, have been superseded by National Socalism, were embarras~ed and inactive when faced by this pressing problem. The Hitler Government have made their plans and declared war on unemployment. It is not with outside aid that they intend to overcome the evil; they are not going to the other nations of the world, as their predecessors did, to beg humbly for protection and assistance. They know that crises and despair are prevalent in every country, and for this reason they have determined to master the evil in their own way and on their own initiative. The return of two million men and women to work bears witness to the fact that Hitler's attempt to solve the problem of unemployment has not been without success. But just as this New Germany desires work, it also desires peace. It has announced to the whole world, through the mouth of the Chancellor himself, speaking in the Reichstag, that it has no aggressive intentions whatever, that it does not wish to prvvoke anyone nor to stir up unrest. It wishes to pursue its work in peace and in a spirit of deep moral conviction, in order to make sure of its daily bread. It stands unarmed before the world, and has no other means of proving the genuineness of its intentions but its industry and assiduity. It is firmly convinced that the world cannot regard its claims with indifference. When this Germany announces that it will not sign any treaties that cannot be observed, it only does so because it intends to observe faithfully all treaties that have once been signed. It is an orderly and disciplined Germany in which authority rules that has been , awakened by Adolf Hitler and his movement, and is endeavouring to gain the confidence and understanding oi the world. The world is still suspicious; with the exception of a few men who have had the courage to look the facts in the face, the world has no understanding whatever, or at best a very poor one, for the meaning of the events that have taken place in Germany. Then only will it ready appreciate the overwhelming importance of the internal revolution in Germany when Europe's need has become so great that people everywhere begin to realize that, without mutual understanding and respect between nations, peace cannot flourish and that the scourge of unemployment will continue to afflict the nations of the world. The speeches delivered by Adolf Hitler since the 3Qth January 1933 are eloquent proofs of Germany's desire for work and peace. May the world learn at least one thing from them, namely, that the German nation once more deserves to be respected by the other nations in the same way as it can now once more respect itself. Dr. Joseph Goebbels <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Hitler Speeches and Proclamationsurn:md5:2164d43f0871955f1a5076d0cf45f1682012-04-08T17:57:00+01:002013-12-05T16:35:15+00:00balderHitler AdolfEuropeFührerGermanySecond World WarThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Hitler_Speeches_and_Proclamations_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf - Domarus Max</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Hitler Speeches and Proclamations Volume 1, 2, 3 and 4 The Complete Hitler A digital desktop reference to his speeches and proclamations 1932-1945</strong><br />
Year : 1945<br />
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THE YEAR 1932 Major Events in Summary The year 1932 marked the climax of Hitler’s domestic struggle. To a certain extent, the events of these twelve months reflect the entire course of his endeavors to gain control of German government since 1919. Thus the year 1932 as mirrored in this work is an accurately drawn miniature of the fourteen years of struggle for power which preceded it. There were three alternative paths which could lead Hitler to the power he so coveted. The first possibility was a violent coup, which would, in all probability, necessitate bloodshed and an open confrontation with the armed forces of the Reichswehr and the police— a path which Hitler was hesitant to take now and had attempted to avoid at his putsch in November 1923. Nevertheless, he kept this possibility in mind as a last resort and had made certain preparations for it during this major year of struggle, 1932. The second path was that of legal accession to power by means of a plebiscite, i.e. by achieving an absolute majority or a “right-wing majority” in the Reichstag and the Landtage (State Diets) or else with the election of a National Socialist Reich President. Under normal circumstances, the Weimar Constitution provided for the latter only every seven years. In both cases—either a right-wing majority in the Reichstag or the election of a National Socialist Reich President—nothing could have prevented the legal constitution of a cabinet chosen by Hitler. The year 1932, given Hitler’s rhetorical prowess, appeared to fulfill all of the prerequisites for this solution: domestic chaos had reached a peak due to the worldwide economic crisis; six million unemployed were demanding work and bread. The Mittelstand, the civil servants, and the peasants were less than satisfied with the German Government. The Reich President and the Reich Chancellor had been governing since 1930 with what amounted to dictatorial powers by virtue of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution and had nevertheless been unable to alleviate the economic oppression. No less than fifteen election campaigns in 1932 (two presidential elections, two Reichstag elections, nine Landtag elections, and two local elections) were dominated by Hitler’s demagogical talents, which were sans pareil at the time. He was nonetheless able to score only partial successes in relatively small Länder. In the more decisive elections, the requisite 50% of the votes cast eluded his grasp despite his tireless efforts and unrivaled oratorical campaigns. The third path to power led, in the current figure of speech, through the “back door.” It was essential to exert sufficient influence on both the private and public counsellors of the Reich President in the circles of the aristocracy, the Reichswehr, and the economy to such an extent that they would, in turn, attempt to sway the Reich President to institute a presidential cabinet under Hitler composed of ministers enjoying his personal confidence. This path, which ultimately took Hitler to his goal, also gave him ample opportunity to make use of his powers of oral persuasion. He who had long been the butt of ridicule as a small-time party leader and failed putschist had become socially acceptable by 1932. The Reich President received him several times. Ministers in and out of office, leaders of industry, former generals, and active officers of the Reichswehr met to confer with him; party leaders from the German Nationalists to the Center made appointments to see him. Some were attempting to consolidate their forces with his; others to pacify him with insignificant ministerial posts. As the “drummer” of the national uprising, he had served their purpose well; now they wanted to exercise the power he had gained. But Hitler outplayed them all. Under the very eyes of the Government, he had established a “state within a state” with his National Socialist Party and now declared publicly that he and the NSDAP were the true representatives of Germany, and not the existing Reich Government. His Reichsleiters and Gauleiters conducted themselves as though they were Reich Ministers and District Presidents. Countless party “offices” (Agrarian Policy Office, Army Policy Office, Labor Service Office, etc.) made public statements on the events of the day and interfered with genuine “official” matters. Hitler dispatched his own observer—former General Franz Ritter von Epp—to the Disarmament Conference in Geneva. In 1932 he issued a proclamation to the German peasants admonishing them to finish harvesting their crops in good time. The “Reich Press Chief’ of the NSDAP conducted press conferences as though he were the press chief of the Reich Government. Uniformed men of the SS, the Schutzstaffel, assumed the task of erecting roadblocks at mass meetings and rallies as though they were the regular police. Tens and even hundreds of thousands of SA men in uniform made spectacular performances of marching and parading in the former German garrison towns. Their formations were numbered after the former imperial army troops. When Hitler later acceded to power, he did not hesitate to appoint his party friends to the same positions in State which they had held within the Party, with the exception of the SA, as would become dramatically evident in 1934. When attending negotiations in Berlin in 1932, Hitler resided at the Kaiserhof Hotel across the street from the Chancellory. He intended that those in power there see that he was really standing “ante portas” and hear the cries of the many thousands from the Wilhelmsplatz demanding Hitler’s Machtergreifung. Asked by a journalist whether one might indeed witness a march on Berlin á la Mussolini, Hitler replied: “Why should I march on Berlin? I’m already there!” In reality, Hitler was not as certain of victory as he pretended to be. He knew very well that, were he not successful in exploiting the extraordinary circumstances of the year 1932 (i.e. the economic and political crises and the presidential and parliamentary elections), his accession to power would become a thing of the distant future. By the end of 1932, the worst of the world economic crisis had passed, the unemployment rates had already begun to decline, and there were endeavors in Lausanne and Geneva to close the chapter on the Treaty of Versailles and the reparations. To some of Hitler’s voters, the struggle for power had already taken too long: they would no longer cast their ballots for him. Party leaders here and there began to lose heart and became restless. Hitler declared at that time: “If the Party ever falls apart, I will take a gun and end it all in a minute.” But Hitler mastered these crises. His talent for oratory and his persistence won out. In the end he was able to persuade not only his vacillating party comrades but also those in power at the time—above all Papen and Hindenburg—that he alone was able to lead Germany onwards to an age of new greatness. The triumph Hitler achieved over his domestic opponents in 1932 continued to affect him throughout his lifetime. He believed himself capable of attaining his foreign-policy goals by using the same methods and expected that the outcome of this second struggle would not deviate “by a hair’s breadth” from the first. <strong>...</strong></p>Hitler Adolf - Mein Kampfurn:md5:7f9c6858582feabc8f6bcbc48e27dded2011-11-28T23:45:00+00:002013-11-16T13:31:46+00:00balderHitler AdolfEuropeFührerGermanyThird Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Hitler_Adolf_-_Mein_Kampf_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Hitler Adolf</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Mein Kampf</strong><br />
Year : 1924<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Hitler_Adolf_-_Mein_Kampf.zip">Hitler_Adolf_-_Mein_Kampf.zip</a><br />
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AUTHOR’S PREFACE. On April 1st, 1924, I began to serve my sentence of detention in the Fortress of Landsberg am Lech, following the verdict of the Munich People’s Court of that time. After years of uninterrupted labour it was now possible for the first time to begin a work which many had asked for and which I myself felt would be profitable for the Movement. So I decided to devote two volumes to a description not only of the aims of our Movement but also of its development. There is more to be learned from this than from any purely doctrinaire treatise. This has also given me the opportunity of describing my own development in so far as such a description is necessary to the understanding of the first as well as the second volume and to destroy the legendary fabrications which the Jewish Press have circulated about me. In this work I turn not to strangers but to those followers of the Movement whose hearts belong to it and who wish to study it more profoundly. I know that fewer people are won over by the written word than by the spoken word and that every great movement on this earth owes its growth to great speakers and not to great writers. Nevertheless, in order to produce more equality and uniformity in the defence of any doctrine, its fundamental principles must be committed to writing. May these two volumes therefore serve as the building stones which I contribute to the joint work. The Fortress, Landsberg am Lech. <strong>...</strong></p>