Balder Ex-Libris - Shaw Georges BernardReview of books rare and missing2024-03-16T01:56:42+00:00urn:md5:aa728a70505b2fae05796923271581c2DotclearShaw Georges Bernard - Man and supermanurn:md5:ec1e6db84332a3c65460f8ae526c82d32013-03-12T14:09:00+00:002013-03-12T14:21:01+00:00balderShaw Georges BernardEnglandTheater <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_Man_and_superman_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Shaw Georges Bernard</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Man and superman A comedy and a philosophy</strong><br />
Year : 1903<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_Man_and_superman.zip">Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_Man_and_superman.zip</a><br />
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My dear Walkley. You once asked me why I did not write a Don Juan play. The levity with which you assumed this mghtful responsibility has probably by this time enabled you to forget it ; but the day of reckoning has arrived: here is your play! I say your play, because qui facit per alium facit per se. Its profits, like its labor, bdong to me: its morals, its manners, its philosophy, its influence on the young, are for you to justify. You were of mature age when you made the suggestion ; and you knew your man. It is hardly fifteen years since, as twin pioneers of the New Journalism of that time, we two, cradled in the same new sheets, made an epoch in the criticism of the theatre and the opera house by making it a pretext for a propaganda of our own views of life. So you cannot plead ignorance of the character of the force you set in motion. You meant me to epater le bourgeois ; and if he protests, I hereby refer him to you as the accountable party. <strong>...</strong></p>Shaw Georges Bernard - The Fabian essays in socialismurn:md5:2b21f3bf8dd35c4824a536bf33afc3ef2012-03-17T11:26:00+00:002012-12-09T22:12:34+00:00balderShaw Georges BernardEnglandFabian SocietyJew <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_The_Fabian_essays_in_socialism_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Authors : <strong>Shaw Georges Bernard - Webb Sidney - Clarke William - Olivier Sydney - Besant Annie - Wallas Graham</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The Fabian essays in socialism</strong><br />
Year : 1889<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_The_Fabian_essays_in_socialism.zip">Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_The_Fabian_essays_in_socialism.zip</a><br />
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PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. THE Fabian Society, which has already issued twenty-five thousand copies of this collection of essays, is an association of Socialists, including in their ranks some of the ablest of England's economic writers, and having their headquarters in London, with affiliated independent branches in most of the principal cities and large towns of Great Britain and Ireland. From the official statement of their principles, I quote as follows: "THE FABIAN SOCIETY aims at the reorganization of Society by the emancipation of Land and industrial Capital from individual and class ownership, and the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit. In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of the country be equitably shared by the whole people. The Society accordingly works for the extinction of private property in land and of the consequent individual appropriation, in the form of Rent, of the price paid for permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of superior soils and sites. The Society, further, works for the transfer to the community of the administration of such industrial Capital as can conveniently be managed socially. For, owing to the monopoly of the means of production in the past, industrial inventions and the transformation of surplus income into Capital have mainly enriched the proprietary class, the worker being now dependent on that class for leave to earn a living. If these measures be carried out, without compensation (though not without such relief to expropriated individuals as may seem fit to the community), Rent and Interest will be added to the reward of labor, the idle class now living on the labor of others will necessarily disappear, and practical equality of opportunity will be maintained by the spontaneous action of economic forces with much less interference with personal liberty than the present system entails. For the attainment of these ends the Fabian Society looks to the spread of Socialist opinions, and the social and political changes consequent thereon. It seeks to promote these by the general dissemination of knowledge as to the relation between the individual and Society in its economic, ethical, and political aspects. The work of the Fabian Society takes, at present, the following forms:— 1. Meetings for the discussion of questions connected with Socialism. 2. Meetings of a more public character, for the promulgation of Socialist opinions. 3. The further investigation of economic problems, and the collection of facts contributing to their elucidation. 4. The publication of pamphlets containing information on social questions, or arguments relating to Socialism. 5. The promotion of Socialist lectures and debates in other Societies. 6. The representation of the Society in public conferences and discussions on social questions. 7. The organization of conferences of Social reformers, with a view to common action. The purely political work of the Society is in the hands of its Political Committee. The members, divided into local groups, are pledged to take part according to their abilities and opportunities in the general work of the Society, especially as regards their own localities, and although there is no compulsory subscription, are expected to contribute annually to the Society's funds. The amount of each member's subscription is known only to the Executive Committee. The Society seeks recruits from all ranks, believing hat not only those who suffer from the present system, but also many who are themselves enriched by it, recognize its evils and would welcome a remedy. The Society meets on the first and third Fridays in the month, at 8 P. M. Further information may be obtained from the Secretary, E. R. PEASE, 276 Strand, W. C., London, England." To the American reader of these essays, it may prove a matter of surprise to learn that English Socialists find in the United States the most pronounced economic phenomena, which, to their eyes at least, seem to prognosticate the near approach of the coming social revolution. I refer to the "Trusts." It may be remarked, however, that while they consider the "Trust" as a symptom that the competitive system is in its last throes, they wait for the appearance of similar industrial combinations in England to stir Englishmen to a revolt; and that Americans, as if to square the account of '76, are to learn revolution from their trans-Atlantic cousins. By "revolution" is to be understood, of course, not violence, but a complete change of system; and by "revolutionists," those who advocate such a complete change. As Lassalle reminded us years ago, trifling reforms may be, and often have been, accompanied by excessive bloodshed, while revolutions have worked themselves out in the profoundest tranquillity. It seems to be typical of all social revolutionists that national pride always asserts itself, no matter how much patriotism may be decried as mere racial selfishness whenever discussion arises as to which nation is to be the first to throw off the shackles of capitalism. The Fabian essayists certainly make out a strong case in England's favor. The German points with pride to the million and a half votes polled by the Socialists at the last elections for the Reichstag. France, the mother of revolutions, sings the Marseillaise. The Belgian asks but for universal suffrage to show the world what he will do in the way of revolution. I, as an American Socialist, put forth my patriotic plea in favor of my own country's prospects of being the first to inaugurate the era of industrial emancipation. There is one point upon which I think all Socialists are agreed, namely, that it is one and the same golden chain that fetters the proletariat of all nations, and that the weakest link in that chain is the measure of the strength of the present social system. Snap but one link in any country, and at the same moment the proletariat of the world are free. The social revolution, when it does come, must soon be international, (though resting perhaps for a period upon national Socialism). I imagine, for instance, that on gaining universal suffrage, Belgium's proletariat should expropriate the capitalists and inaugurate a successful coöperative commonwealth. Is it possible to conceive that workingmen of all nations would not make a successful demand for the establishment of a like social system in their own respective countries? Moreover, the general industrial condition of the great nations is approximately the same. All complain of overproduction. All are vainly trying to solve the question of the unemployed; in all the tendency to great social change is a marked feature. In all the great capitalists, crushing out their smaller rivals and concentrating wealth into fewer and fewer hands, are the true progenitors of the revolution. The proletariat of the United States, the nation that certainly furnishes the best educational facilities for demonstrating the advantages of the concentration and crystallization of capital, should naturally and logically be the first to strike for economic freedom. To-day, in the United States, 50,000 people, out of a population of over sixty-three millions, own everything worth having in the whole country. Four men, viz.: Gould, Astor, Vanderbilt and Rockefeller, practically control, and, what is more important, are rapidly absorbing the wealth of this 50,000. The day is not so very far distant, and a sociologist can predict almost its exact appearance, just as an astronomer calculates the date of an eclipse of the sun, when, if no structural change in society takes place, these four men will be the sole owners of the United States. I think that, if such a state of affairs should come about, no one would differ with me when I say that it would force a reconstruction of society. In other words, the sixty odd millions of people in the United States may now rest undisturbed, and allow a plutocracy of 50,000 to own their country; but when it shall come to having only four own it, patience will cease to be a virtue. That the tendency of the wealth of the United States is to concentrate into larger and larger masses, held by a constantly diminishing number of capitalists, is not disputed by anyone at all familiar with the statistics of the case. This process continued and followed to its logical conclusion must lead inevitably to Socialism. If Jay Gould & Co. are not to own the railways and telegraphs, the land and machinery, there can be but one possible successor, viz.: the people, as represented by the National government. Hence, the only possible chance of retarding the approach of Socialism, is to stop the tendency of capital to congeal in a few hands. Some plan must be devised to prevent Gould and Vanderbilt gobbling up more railways; to keep Astor's hands off city lots, and to check Rockefeller's insatiable and omnivorous appetite for industrial plants. It requires but slight intelligence to comprehend that neither a high nor a low tariff, nor free trade, would appreciably affect Vanderbilt's income. Fiscal legislation, whether it takes the form of free coinage of silver, lending money on crops, or increasing paper money until the circulation is $50 or $5,000 per capita, will never divert the Pactolian stream which flows into Mr. Gould's golden reservoir. Even the nationalization of the railways and telegraphs, although proposed as a reactionary measure calculated to enable farmers, by obtaining lower freight rates, to increase their margin of profit sufficiently to enable them to hold their own as independent producers, would, if put into effect, but precipitate the very event which it is hoped to retard. Governmental ownership of railways would involve the payment of several thousand million dollars to the present owners of railway securities, all of which must seek reinvestment. Senator Carlisle's objection as to the difficulty of raising the money for such a purchase is trivial. The credit of the United States is good enough to float bonds for many times the amount required, although to purchase at their present fancy valuation of watered stocks would be utterly unwise and unnecessary. The great problem to be solved is, as stated, for the present owners to find a safe and profitable place to reinvest the thousands of millions of dollars received in exchange for their railways. The channels for profitable investment of such a large amount of money are certainly not visible. It could not be spent in building new oil refineries, as Mr. Rockefeller, of the Standard Oil Trust, is armed with statistics to prove that there are too many oil refineries already. The same blockade to the entrance of fresh capital into the building of more sugar refineries is also sure to be encountered, as Mr. Havemeyer, of that trust, says that he is compelled to shut down part of the refineries already in existence, to prevent the unprofitable overproduction which would otherwise ensue. That there is absolutely no chance at all to-day to invest any considerable amount of capital in building new machinery of production in the United States, is a palpable truism with financiers. The only chance for an individual to invest is to purchase existing plants, but that simply is shifting the solving of the investment problem from one capitalist to another, and usually from the large capitalist to the small one. Nationalization of the railways in the United States would mean the immediate expropriation of all small capitalists by the big ones. If Gould, Vanderbilt & Co. cannot own railways, they will invest their money, both principal and income, in flour mills, gas works, cotton mills, etc., and the pseudo-owners of those industries will soon be enlisted in the ranks of the proletariat under the banner of Socialism. Nationalization of the railways could not possibly be effected without causing the crystallization of all capital invested in the other industries of the United States in the hands of such a comparatively small number of owners that the advent of Socialism would certainly be almost instantaneous. The problem of giving work to the unemployed, although just at present not a threatening one in the United States, is, however, destined soon to become one of the utmost importance, and at any time liable to come to the front. There are, at present, according to Carroll D. Wright's governmental statistics, on an average, over one million able-bodied men in the United States willing to work, yet unable to find employment. The pressure of these upon the ranks of the employed effectually prevents wages rising above the point of mere subsistence. Hence the very fact that we in the United States have such a fertile soil, in such unlimited quantities, such ingenious labor-saving machinery, together with an industrious and intelligent population, tends to make the problem of the unemployed but the more threatening, since these very elements only conduce to an enormous product per capita, with no corresponding methods of distribution. The old-time argument, that our great farming population, with its members all owning their own homes, would always prove an inseparable barrier to Socialism in the United States, is completely out of date, now-a-days, seeing that the greater part of our farmers are already proletarians, while the few that still own their own farms are hopelessly in debt, and even they are demanding the most Socialistic measures, such as national warehouses for grain, and nationalization of railways. Considering how near at hand is the great social metamorphosis, I would earnestly advise the readers of these exceedingly clever and able essays to give them deepest thought. They express clearly the nature of the crisis through which we are now passing, a crisis in which none who well understand it can fail to be vitally interested. We are now swinging on the hinge of destiny, we are in the transition state of the greatest sociologic event that history has yet recorded. Let him who runs, read. H. G. WILSHIRE. NEW YORK, May, 1891. <strong>...</strong></p>Shaw Georges Bernard - Fabianism and the empireurn:md5:09f7e6bc407a193338519597892d4d312012-03-16T17:56:00+00:002014-05-07T21:25:43+01:00balderShaw Georges BernardEmpireEnglandFabian SocietyJew <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Shaw_Georges_Bernard_-_Fabianism_and_the_empire_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Shaw Georges Bernard</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Fabianism and the empire A manifesto by the Fabian society</strong><br />
Year : 1900<br />
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EDITORS PREFACE. As the word editor is not a term of precision, it is necessary to explain that it means, in this instance, only the draughtsman employed by the eight hundred members of the Fabian Society to produce their Election Manifesto. The Society is alive to the importance of making its utterances readable ; and this can only be done by leaving the manner of their expression to a literary expert, and confining its dictation to the matter to be expressed. Further, it will be understood that the greatest common measure of the opinions of eight hundred persons is not the same thing as the opinion of every individual member, and that on certain points a wholly dissentient minority has been small enough to submit to being voted down. For example, some members regard the South African expedition as a foreseen and deliberate act on the part of the Government ; and of these, some consider it a political crime, and others a justifiable stroke of Imperial Statesmanship. Again, on the point of Army Reform, many members disapprove so strongly of war that they desire it to be understood that they endorse the pages which follow on that subject only as a Tolstoyan opponent of our criminal system might nevertheless provisionally advocate prison reform, or as a vegetarian might advocate municipal abattoirs. There are Fabian teetotalers, too, who refuse to say anything more for the municipal public house than to admit, doubtfully and reluctantly, that it is a more controllable evil than a brewer's tied house, and will not go even so far as that without an explicit affirmation that a more excellent way is not to have drinkshops of any sort. All reservations made, however, it may be taken that what is said in this Manifesto is what the great majority of the members of the Fabian Society desire to have said at the present moment. It must not be inferred from the restriction of the Manifesto to the general lines of the reforms advocated that these have been but superficially considered. Our allusion to the Drink Question, for instance, clearly does not exhaust it, since a considerable interval of regulation ofprivate enterprise lies between us and complete municipalization. But the tracts prepared by Mr. Edward Pease, and already issued by the Society, supply the lacking proposals. Again, the inevitableness of the Minimum Wage, which is no mere theoretic remedy, but the irresistible conclusion from a century of labor organization, has come out in the course of a unique investigation, the most elaborate and severe yet undertaken by individual Fabians, by Mr. § Mrs. Sidney Webb. It is recorded in their volumes entitled " The History of Trade Unionism 11 and M Industrial Democracy." The suggestion as to the provision of a Militia by raising the half-time age was first mooted by them in a letter to The Times last year. The important proposals as to the consular service are the outcome of a series of discussions initiated by Mr. S. G. Hobson, who was the first Fabian to see the value, as an illustration of the need for State organization of foreign trade, of the contrast between the imbecility and paralysis of English commercial diplomacy in the valley of the Yang-tse, and the victorious alertness and efficiency of Russia. As to Municipal Trading, those who are not yet alive to the fact that we are in the throes of a struggle—quite as important as the South African one—between the new local authorities, representing the citizenship ofEngland, and the company promoters, for the control of our common life industries, will find in the Fabian tract on " The Economics of Direct Employment, 11 and that on " The Growth of Monopoly" by Mr, H. W. Macrosty, a mass of facts which cannot be detailed in an Election Manifesto. The elector who votes in ignorance of these facts will vote on assumptions which, though they are unfortunately still the prevalent assumptions of our educated classes, have long ceased to have any relation to contemporary reality. For many valuable amendments and certain chastening criticisms, I am indebted to several members of the Society ; but those named above, with Mr. Gilbert Slater, have contributed as well as criticised. One of the reasons for issuing this Manifesto in the form of a shilling booh is that the custom of the Society, which is to sell for a penny a quantity of literary matter and political and statistical information which could not be commercially produced and sold for less than halfa- crown, has resulted in an undue specialization of its market. The richer classes in England read nothing but what their booksellers sell ; and booksellers cannot afford to sell penny pamphlets. It is one of the oddities of our competitive system that, out of the multitude of useful things that are sold for a penny, the millionaire can only obtain the penny stamp and the penny newspaper : if he wants the penny Fabian Tract he must either join one of the political or social organizations by which such wares are distributed (and their articles of faith are seldom such as a conscientious millionaire can subscribe), or else the Society must come to his rescue by charging him at least a shilling. It does so in this instance with many apologies for the smallness of the sum, which is, nevertheless, an exclusive one—how exclusive the reader will best appreciate after a reference to our " Facts for Socialists," facts which unfortunately remain facts from edition to edition, in spite of our sixteen years' struggle to awaken social compunction concerning them. G. B. S. <strong>...</strong></p>