Balder Ex-Libris - Sombart WernerReview of books rare and missing2024-03-27T00:16:02+00:00urn:md5:aa728a70505b2fae05796923271581c2DotclearSombart Werner - Le socialisme allemandurn:md5:a4aac2caa9b2ffe8139957b200bfc7252015-05-02T21:54:00+01:002015-05-02T20:55:14+01:00balderSombart WernerAllemagneFranc-maçonnerieHébraïsmeOVNISociologieTroisième ReichTroisième Reich <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img3/Sombart_Werner_-_Le_socialisme_allemand.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Auteur : <strong>Sombart Werner</strong><br />
Ouvrage : <strong>Le socialisme allemand Une théorie nouvelle de la société</strong><br />
Année : 1938<br />
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Lien de téléchargement : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook2/Sombart_Werner_-_Le_socialisme_allemand.zip">Sombart_Werner_-_Le_socialisme_allemand.zip</a><br />
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Préface de l'auteur. Bien que le présent ouvrage traite du socialisme, c'est-à-dire d'un des problèmes autour desquels se concentre notre intérêt, il ne convient pas de le considérer comme une oeuvre d'actualité : il aurait pu être écrit il y a dix ou quinze ans, et peut-être – je le crains - sera-til, dans trente ans, plus « actuel » encore qu'aujourd'hui. Cela tient au fait que, de propos délibéré, je ne l'ai pas rapporté directement à la politique de notre gouvernement. Non pas, sans doute, que le régime hitlérien me laisse indifférent ou m'inspire de l'hostilité. Point du tout. Si j'ai renoncé à faire des comparaisons de détail avec le régime existant, et si je n'ai donné mon opinion sur les mesures politiques prises par notre gouvernement et sur les déclarations de nos dirigeants, que d'une façon occasionnelle, et le plus souvent à titre d'exemple, la cause est plutôt que j'estime, de la sorte, pouvoir mieux servir mon pays. La tâche que je me suis imposée, et qui consiste à donner une vue d'ensemble des divers problèmes sociaux de notre temps, tels qu'ils se posent à une mentalité national-socialiste, cette tâche ne saurait être remplie qu'en se tenant à l'écart de la politique quotidienne. C'est à ce prix seulement que nous aurons la possibilité d'envisager la totalité des problèmes dans leur simplicité fondamentale et dans les rapports naturels qui les lient. Je me suis efforcé d'analyser toutes les formules courantes, mais aussi de ramener à leur signification dernière les déclarations de caractère théorique et pratique, de retrouver partout les principes fondamentaux et la liaison systématique. Là où existe l'unité spirituelle, il fallait l'indiquer ; là où elle manque, il fallait la rétablir. C'est le procédé que j'ai appliqué - et avec une particulière intention - aux doctrines qui s'opposent au national-socialisme ; tel est, notamment, le marxisme. Si la troisième partie de cet ouvrage, où j'expose les théories marxistes, devait astreindre le lecteur à des efforts particulièrement ardus, qu'il veuille bien ne pas se laisser rebuter : il est absolument indispensable, pour un homme qui prétend pouvoir donner son avis en matière politique, de s'initier justement à ces doctrines, de comprendre l'ingénieuse structure et le rigoureux système qui font leur force. Il s'abandonnerait à une périlleuse illusion, celui qui considérerait cet effort de clarification et de systématisation des notions comme trop théorique, trop pédantesque et, par conséquent, inutile à l'organisation de la vie. Ce serait méconnaître la puissance de la pensée. La science même, dont cette clarification est un des principaux objectifs, peut servir à la « vie », en l'espèce à la politique. Il est vrai qu'aucun homme d'État ne doit agir selon des théories : il ne serait alors qu'un stérile doctrinaire. Mais il doit agir à l'aide de théories : il doit vêtir sa fermeté de la claire lumière des connaissances. Nous avons assez d'exemples d'hommes d'État de génie qui en ont usé ainsi -même en temps de révolution. Tout au moins faut-il que les « théories » soient susceptibles de créer la clarté requise. Dans le flot innombrable des écrits que le réveil national a déversé sur nous, il a été trop souvent développé des « théories » qui n'ont pas répondu à ce but. Tantôt on s'en tient simplement à des formules et l'on fabrique, pour l'usage quotidien, des « théories » à demi digérées. Tantôt, ce qui est pire encore, - par une confusion malsaine, « insincère », opérée entre le domaine de la foi et celui du savoir, entre le règne de la connaissance et celui de l'action, entre la science et la politique, - on prêche un irrationalisme et un mysticisme imprécis ; on bannit l'art de penser par notions claires, que Platon, Aristote et la scolastique nous ont enseigné, en le taxant étrangement de « préjugé libéral », ou même d'importation condamnable et indigne d'un bon patriote allemand. Pareilles « théories » sont plus funestes que l'absence de théories, car elles obscurcissent la vole de l’homme d’État au lieu de l'éclairer. Vis consilii expers mole ruit sua. Pour conjurer .le danger que dissimulent ces « théories », on ne saurait mieux faire que d'y opposer des vues claires et mûrement réfléchies. Telle est précisément la tâche à laquelle ne saurait se soustraire une science consciente de ses responsabilités. Sa lumière, en effet, est faite pour éclairer, non pour réchauffer. Parce qu'il traite du socialisme, ce livre est tenu - nous verrons pourquoi - de dérouler aux yeux du lecteur l'ensemble des problèmes sociaux. Je ne me suis imposé qu'une seule limite : j'ai laissé en dehors du champ de mes recherches les questions de politique extérieure et, par conséquent, le problème des frontières internationales. Non pas, certes, que je les tienne pour secondaires. Bien au contraire : je suis convaincu de leur rôle déterminant. La constitution interne de la société allemande serait sans doute toute différente suivant que nous deviendrions une province russe ou que de nouvelles victoires des puissances occidentales provoqueraient notre démembrement, suivant que nous prendrions la tête d'un « empire de l'Europe centrale » ou que, aux côtés de la France et de l'Italie, nous édifierions une « Pan-Europe », suivant qu'une guerre heureuse apporterait à notre peuple un accroissement sensible de territoire ou, enfin, que nos frontières actuelles demeureraient sans changement. Il est toutefois impossible de tenir compte de toutes ces éventualités lorsqu'on se livre à l'examen des tâches qui s'imposent à notre politique intérieure : le coefficient d'incertitude serait par trop élevé et l'on ne pourrait aboutir à des conclusions précises. Aussi m'en tiendrai-je, dans mes considérations, au dernier des cas que je viens d'énumérer. Que ce livre s'en aille donc par le monde, et qu'il y trouve sa place ! Il rencontrera de nombreux contradicteurs, je n'en doute pas, il les rencontrera au sein du parti au pouvoir et en dehors. Mais je ne le regrette nullement. C'est au travers des objections que la vérité parvient le mieux à se faire jour. Il m'est donc permis d'espérer que les idées développées dans cet ouvrage auront, peut-être, sur la marche des événements politiques, une influence, si modeste soit-elle. Ce qui, précisément, fait la beauté du mouvement national, ce qui permet d'espérer tant de lui, ce qu'il a d'authentiquement allemand, c'est que sa doctrine ne s'est pas pétrifiée en un dogme, mais qu'elle tend à prendre forme par un échange ininterrompu d'opinions contraires. À cet effort doit contribuer toute conviction honnête. Etant Bien entendu, naturellement, qu elle se meut dans le cadre idéologique du mouvement. Elle doit être nationaliste, mais elle doit également être socialiste. Que ces deux termes puissent être pris dans des acceptions diverses, c'est ce que prouvent les paroles et les actes de nos gouvernants, c'est ce que prouve l'apparition d'un livre consacré au socialisme allemand. Le but que poursuit expressément cet ouvrage, c'est d'assurer, aux forces évidemment puissantes qui tendent à réaliser dans un esprit socialiste l'idée nationale-socialiste, une orientation susceptible de leur conférer une action fécondante, et non dévastatrice. Au reste, si variées que puissent être aujourd'hui les interprétations qu'on donne au terme national-socialisme, ce qui nous unit, nous tous qui approuvons le mouvement national, c'est l'esprit d'où procèdent nos pensées et nos actes, c'est l'esprit qui a inspiré ce livre, c'est l'esprit qui s'exprime par les mots : tout pour notre pays W. S.. <strong>...</strong></p>Sombart Werner - The Jews and Modern Capitalismurn:md5:4a4bcc741768de5bfa0cfa8016e55ff02012-03-18T12:40:00+00:002014-05-07T21:25:13+01:00balderSombart WernerJew <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Sombart_Werner_-_The_Jews_and_Modern_Capitalism_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Sombart Werner</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The Jews and Modern Capitalism</strong><br />
Year : 1911<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Sombart_Werner_-_The_Jews_and_Modern_Capitalism.zip">Sombart_Werner_-_The_Jews_and_Modern_Capitalism.zip</a><br />
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Part I; The Contribution of the Jews to Modern Economic Life Chapter 1 Introductory Two possible methods may be used to discover to what extent any group of people participated in a particular form of economic organization. One is the statistical; the other may be termed the genetic. By means of the first we endeavour to ascertain the actual number of persons taking part in some economic activity — say, those who establish trade with a particular country, or who found any given industry — and then we calculate what percentage is represented by the members of the group in which we happen to be interested. There is no doubt that the statistical method has many advantages. A pretty clear conception of the relative importance for any branch of commerce of, let us say, foreigners or Jews, is at once evolved if we are able to show by actual figures that 50 or 75 per cent of all the persons engaged in that branch belong to either the first or the second category named. More especially is this apparent when statistical information is forthcoming, not only as to the number of persons but also concerning other or more striking economic factors — e.g., the amount of paid-up capital, the quantity of the commodities produced, the size of the turnover, and so forth. It will be useful, therefore, to adopt the statistical method in questions such as the one we have set ourselves. But at the same time it will soon become evident that by its aid alone the complete solution cannot be found. In the first place, even the best statistics do not tell us everything; nay, often the most important aspect of what we are trying to discover is omitted. Statistics are silent as to the dynamic effects which strong individualities produce in economic, as indeed in all human life — effects which have consequences reaching far beyond the limits of their immediate surroundings. Their actual importance for the general tendency of any particular development is greater far than any set of figures can reveal. Therefore the statistical method must be supplemented by some other. But more than this. The statistical method, owing to lack of information, cannot always be utilized. It is indeed a lucky accident that we possess figures recording the numberof those engaged in any industry or trade, and showing their comparative relation to the rest of the population. But a statistical study of this kind, on a large scale, is really only a possibility for modern and future times. Even then the path of the investigator is beset by difficulties. Still, a careful examination of various sources, including the assessments made by Jewish communities on their members, may lead to fruitful results. I hope that this book will give an impetus to such studies, of which, at the present time, there is only one that is really useful — the enquiry of Sigmund Mayr, of Vienna. When all is said, therefore, the other method (the genetic), to which I have already alluded, must be used to supplement the results of statistics. What is this method? We wish to discover to what extent a group of people (the Jews) influence or have influenced the form and development of modern economic life — to discover, that is, their qualitative or, as I have already called it, their dynamic importance. We can do this best of all by enquiring whether certain characteristics that mark our modern economic life were given their first form by Jews, i.e., either that some particular form of organization was first introduced by the Jews, or that some well-known business principles, now accepted on all hands as fundamental, are specific expressions of the Jewish spirit. This of necessity demands that the history of the factors in economic development should be traced to their earliest beginnings. In other words, we must study the childhood of the modern capitalistic system, or, at any rate, the age in which it received its modern form. But not the childhood only: its whole history must be considered. For throughout, down to these very days, new elements are constantly entering the fabric of capitalism and changes appear in its characteristics. Wherever such are noted our aim must be to discover to whose influence they are due. Often enough this will not be easy; sometimes it will even be impossible; and scientific imagination must come to the aid of the scholar. Another point should not be overlooked. In many cases the people who are responsible for a fundamental idea or innovation in economic life are not always the inventors (using that word in its narrowest meaning). It has often been asserted that the Jews have no inventive powers; that not only technical but also economic discoveries were made by non-Jews alone, and that the Jews have always been able cleverly to utilize the ideas of others. I dissent from this general view in its entirety. We meet with Jewish inventors in the sphere of technical science, and certainly in that of economics, as I hope to show in this work. But even if the assertion which we have mentioned were true, it would prove nothing against the view that Jews have given certain aspects of economic life the specific features they bear. In the economic world it is not so much the inventors that matter as those who are able to apply the inventions: not those who conceive ideas (e.g., the hire-purchase system) as those who can utilize them in everyday life. Before proceeding to the problem before us — the share of the Jews in the work of building up our modern capitalistic system — we must mention one other point of importance. In a specialized study of this kind Jewish influence may appear larger than it actually was. That is in the nature of our study, where the whole problem is looked at from only one point of view. If we were enquiring into the influence of mechanical inventions on modern economic life the same would apply: in a monograph that influence would tend to appear larger than it really was. I mention this point, obvious though it is, lest it be said that I have exaggerated the part played by the Jews. There were undoubtedly a thousand and one other causes that helped to make the economic system of our time what it is. Without the discovery of America and its silver treasures, without the mechanical inventions of technical science, without the ethnical peculiarities of modern European nations and their vicissitudes, capitalism would have been as impossible as without the Jews. In the long story of capitalism, Jewish influence forms but one chapter. Its relative importance to the others I shall show in the new edition of my Modern Capitalism, which I hope to have ready before long. This caveat will, I trust, help the general reader to a proper appreciation of the influence of Jews on modern economic life. But it must be taken in conjunction with another. If on the one hand we are to make some allowance, should our studies apparently tend to give Jews a preponderating weight in economic affairs, on the other hand, their contribution is very often even larger than we are led to believe. For our researches can deal only with one portion of the problem, seeing that all the material is not available. Who to-day knows anything definite about the individuals, or groups, who founded this or that industry, established this or that branch of commerce, first adopted this or that business principle? And even where we are able to name these pioneers with certainty, there comes the further question, were they Jews or not? Jews — that is to say, members of the people who profess the Jewish faith. And I need hardly add that although in this definition I purposely leave out any reference to race characteristics, it yet includes those Jews who have withdrawn from their religious community, and even descendants of such, seeing that historically they remain Jews. This must be borne in mind, for when we are determining the influence of the Jew on modern economic life, again and again men appear on the scene as Christians, who in reality are Jews. They or their fathers were baptized, that is all. The assumption that many Jews in all ages changed their faith is not far fetched. We hear of cases from the earliest Middle Ages; in Italy, in the 7th and 8th centuries; at the same period in Spain and in the Merovingian kingdoms; and from that time to this we find them among all Christian nations. In the last third of the 19th century, indeed, wholesale baptisms constantly occurred. But we have reliable figures for the last two or three decades only, and I am therefore inclined to doubt the statement of Jacob Fromer that towards the end of the twenties in last century something like half the Jews of Berlin had gone over to Christianity.1 Equally improbable is the view of Dr. Wemer, Rabbi in Munich, who, in a paper which he recently read, stated that altogether 120,000 Jews have been baptized in Berlin. The most reliable figures we have are all against such a likelihood. According to these, it was in the nineties that apostasy on a large scale first showed itself, and even then the highest annual percentage never exceeded 1.28 (in 1905), while the average percentage per annum (since 1895) was 1. Nevertheless, the number of Jews in Berlin who from 1873 to 1906 went over to Christianity was not small; their total was 1869 precisely.2 The tendency to apostasy is stronger among Austrian Jews, especially among those of Vienna. At the present time, between five and six hundred Jews in that city renounce their faith every year, and from 1868 to 1903 there have been no less than 9085. The process grows apace; in the years 1868 to 1879 there was on an average one baptism annually for every 1200 Jews; in the period 1880 to 1889 it was one for 420–430 Jews; while between 1890 and 1903 it had reached one for every 260– 270. But the renegade Jews are not the only group whose influence on the economic development of our time it is difficult to estimate. There are others to which the same applies. I am not thinking of the Jewesses who married into Christian families, and who, though they thus ceased to be Jewish, at any rate in name, must nevertheless have retained their Jewish characteristics. The people I have in mind are the crypto-Jews, who played so important a part in history, and whom we encounter in every century. In some periods they formed a very large section of Jewry. But their non-Jewish pose was so admirably sustained that among their contemporaries they passed as Christians or Mohammedans. We are told, for example, of the Jews of the South of France in the 15th and 16th centuries, who came originally from Spain and Portugal (and the description applies to the Marannos everywhere): “They practised all the outward forms of Catholicism; their births, marriages and deaths were entered on the registers of the church, and they received the sacraments of baptism, marriage and extreme unction. Some even took orders and became priests.”4 No wonder then that they do not appear as Jews in the reports of commercial enterprises, industrial undertakings and so forth. Some historians even to-day speak in admiring phrase of the beneficial influence of Spanish or Portuguese “immigrants.” So skilfully did the crypto-Jews hide their racial origin that specialists in the field of Jewish history are still in doubt as to whether a certain family was Jewish or not.5 In those cases where they adopted Christian names, the uncertainty is even greater. There must have been a large number of Jews among the Protestant refugees in the 17th century. General reasons would warrant this assumption, but when we take into consideration the numerous Jewish names found among the Huguenots the probability is strong indeed.6 Finally, our enquiries will not be able to take any account of all those Jews who, prior to 1848, took an active part in the economic life of their time, but who were unknown to the authorities. The laws forbade Jews to exercise their callings. They were therefore compelled to do so, either under cover of some fictitious Christian person or under the protection of a “privileged” Jew, or they were forced to resort to some other trick in order to circumvent the law. Reliable authorities are of opinion that the number of Jews who in many a town lived secretly in this way must have been exceedingly large. In the forties of last century, for example, it is said that no less than 12,000 Jews, at a moderate estimate, were to be found in Vienna. The wholesale textile trade was at that time already in their hands, and entire districts in the centre of the city were full of Jewish shops. But the official list of traders of 1845 contained in an appendix the names of only sixty-three Jews, who were described as “tolerated Jewish traders,” and these were allowed to deal only in a limited number of articles.7 But enough. My point was to show that, for many and various reasons, the number of Jews of whom we hear is less than those who actually existed. The reader should therefore bear in mind that the contribution of the Jews to the fabric of modern economic life will, of necessity, appear smaller than it was in reality. What that contribution was we shall now proceed to show. <strong>...</strong></p>Sombart Werner - Socialism and the social movementurn:md5:019c5a2b9ff83a16ce3f07e5c584f0a62012-03-18T12:37:00+00:002014-05-07T21:25:19+01:00balderSombart WernerEuropeJew <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Sombart_Werner_-_Socialism_and_the_social_movement_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Sombart Werner</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Socialism and the social movement</strong><br />
Year : 1909<br />
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Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Sombart_Werner_-_Socialism_and_the_social_movement.zip">Sombart_Werner_-_Socialism_and_the_social_movement.zip</a><br />
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TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION. The motto facing the title-page of this book sets forth the author's aim clearly enough. He sees in Socialism one of the great movements of our time and he seeks to make clear what it is, and what it wants, and gives an account of its development almost down to the present day. How the work has been done the reader will be able to judge for himself. The book has had an interesting history. It first appeared in 1896 and contained the substance of eight lectures on "Socialism and the Social Movement during the Nineteenth Century," which had been delivered at Zurich in the autumn of that year. The book ran to only 130 pages, but its sterling worth was soon recognized, so that in five years it passed through four editions and was translated into eleven languages. The first four editions were substantially the same; there were only changes in style here and there. That the book continued to have a wide circle of readers is proved by the fact that the number of languages into which it was translated reached seventeen, including Japanese, and that in Germany a fifth edition appeared in 1905. This extended to 329 pages and contained much ' The reader may be interested to learn what these were. Here is a list of them : French, Italian, Flemish, English, Swedish, Danish, Russian, Polish, Greek, Magyar and Armenian. The English version, which was a translation of the third edition, appeared in America and was from the pen of Mr. Atterbury. that was new. Indeed, it is not too much tp say that it was a new book. The standpoint of the author had not changed, but his treatment of the subject was fuller and his facts were brought up to date. It was in this edition that he first gave a careful consideration to what he regarded as the two portions in the Marxian doctrines; the one he looked upon as alive and effective, the other as dead and useless. 1 As in the case of previous editions this, too, met with a popular reception, and in 1908 the sixth and enlarged edition came out, running to 395 pages. This is based on the fifth edition, which it virtually reproduces with only minor changes in parts, but it c6ntains additional material in the later chapters and has a new and most interesting chapter on the latest phase of Socialism in France, which we have now learned to call Revolutionary Syndicalism, and a practical expression of which we recently beheld in the strike of the French post-oflSce employees. It is the sixth edition which is here translated. The book is well known wherever the German tongue is spoken. Its subject-matter is of distinct importance, and as for its style, nowhej-e is it more appropriate to say le style c'est I'hom-me. Those who know Sombart will comprehend my meaning. He was born at Ermsleben on January 19, 1863. His father, a self-made man, had risen to the position of landed proprietor, and the boy grew up in luxury, and received the best possible education. Eventually he went to the University of Pisa and then to Berlin, where he became a pupil of Schmoller. From his early years he had shown a strong interest in Social reform, and the writings of Karl Marx and Lassalle made a deep impression upon him. He steeped himself in Marx, under whose influence, indeed, he remained for a long time. In 1890 he became professor extraordinary 1 of Political Economy at the University of Breslau. His lectures attracted a very large number of students, so that session after session his classes had to be accommodated in the auditorium maximum at Breslau. And no wonder ! Sombart is a fine speaker, and it was a real joy to listen to the tall, energetic figure, and to watch the changing expressions of his countenance. He spoke from notes, and the humour and the sly touches which spiced his lectures were characteristic of the man. He is a modern of the moderns, standing under the influence of Zola and Ibsen. He is all for progress, and he has the courage of his opinions, speaking out boldly even when he knew he would suffer in consequence. And he did suffer. His views, as may be imagined, did not find favour in the sight of the powers that be in reactionary Prussia, and he was not promoted to the status of ordinary professor at Breslau, though all the world agreed that this was his due. In 1905 when the Commercial College (Handelshochschule) was founded in Berlin, he received, and accepted, the call as professor of Political Economy. If his lectures were excellent, his tutorial classes (Seminar) were no less so. I attended them in 1906 and 1907, and not only did we learn much, but we were inspired by the man. The Seminars were held once a week from 7.30 to 9 in the evening, and after the hour and a half of work, Sombart would accompany us to supper in a neighbouring restaurant. The professor in him was then hidden away, and the man, the personality, came to the surface. He was a delightful companion on those occasions, with nothing of the proverbial German professor about him. Yet he has the learning of the proverbial German professor, and he has given proof of it in several books, to say nothing of very many contributions to learned journals. Of the former, perhaps the following^ four are the most important, (i) Socialism and the Social Movement, which I am here introducing to English readers. (2) Der moderne Kapitalismus (Modern Capitalism), which appeared in two volumes in 1902, is his principal work, and contains the first instalment of a new system of Political Economy. Critics of repute did not agree with a goodly number of the views put forward in this book, but all of them praised its vast learning, and Irecognized that the work was one that mattered, and would have to be considered by workers in the field of economics. (3) Die deutsche Volkswirtschaft im igten Jahrhundert (The economic progress of Germany in the nineteenth century) appeared in 1903, and though it must be regarded as a scientific treatise, reads more like a romance. For here, as everywhere, Sombart attaches as much importance to beauty of form as to fulness of subject matljer. Fortunately, he has not only the faculty of exact definition and keen observation but also the gift of a delightful descriptive writer. (4) Das Proletariat (The Proletariat) appeared in 1906 and deals fully with a subject which he has made specially his own. Sombart, however, is no mere theorist. He believes that the economist should go out into the world and supplement the knowledge gained in the study and the archives by experience of actual life. While he lived in Breslau he was for a long time a member of the town council and was very much interested in the Society for Social Reform, of the local branch of which he was one of the moving spirits. As to his political views, it has been said that he combines a strong individualist conception of liberty with Socialist inclinations. His friends jestingly call him "The Demagogue of the Salon." So much for the book and its author. I hope I have not been altogether unsuccessful in clothing the author's narrative in an English form worthy of the original. I have spared no pains in this direction, for I believe the book deserves it. And if this translation finds favour with the English-reading public, I shall be amply rewarded for my labours. I have added a few notes in the hope that they may prove helpful to the English reader. I must not conclude without expressing my best thanks to Mrs. Erskine Childers for many valuable suggestions in the final revision of the book. M. Epstein. London, June I, 1909. <strong>...</strong></p>Sombart Werner - Socialism and the Social Movement in the 19th Centuryurn:md5:010c2de029c458b66550334f58f4d74f2012-03-18T12:32:00+00:002014-05-07T21:25:24+01:00balderSombart WernerEuropeGermanyJew <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Sombart_Werner_-_Socialism_and_the_Social_Movement_in_the_19th_Century_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Sombart Werner</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Socialism and the Social Movement in the 19th Century with a Chronicle of the Social Movement 1750-1896</strong><br />
Year : 1898<br />
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"Je ne propose rien, je ne suppose rien, j'expose" PREFACE, BY THE TRANSLATOR. WHILE rambling through quaint old Nuremberg, last summer, I was driven for shelter from rain into a bookshop. ln a conversation with the genial proprietor, he called my attention to a book, lately published, that had already made a deep impression upon the world of German readers. A reading and re-reading of the little book convinced me that English readers, as weil, will be glad to follow Professor Sombart in his comprehensive and suggestive review of Socialism. Thanks are due to the learned German professor, whose name appears on the title-page, for his courtesy in this matter ; also to his German pu blisher. I would also express obligation to my friend, Professor Sigmon M. Stern, with whom I have consulted freely on sorne difficult points of translation. The Introduction by Prof essor John B. Clark, of Columbia University, will be appreciated, I know, by the reader as weil as by myself. A. P. A. April, 1898 <strong>...</strong></p>