Tarpley Webster Griffin - 911 Synthetic terrorism Made in USA

Author : Tarpley Webster Griffin
Title : 911 Synthetic terrorism Made in USA
Year : 2004

Link download : Tarpley_Webster_Griffin_-_911_Synthetic_terrorism_Made_in_USA.zip

Introduction. There exists a shadowy government with its own Air Force, its own navy, its own fundraising mechanism, and the ability to pursue its own ideas of the national interest, free from all checks and balances, and free from the law itself. – Senator Daniel K. Inouye during the Iran-contra scandal. This book would not have been possible without the efforts of the 9/11 truth movement, a true planetary cooperation by citizens of the world, which was called into being by the crimes of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent coverup. I am indebted for many insights to numerous authors of print and internet studies of 9/11; the extent of this indebtedness and the names of the individual researchers are acknowledged in the text and the bibliography. The 9/11 truth movement, its activists, organizers, filmmakers and demonstrators, has had the immense historical merit of opposing those who have sought to incarcerate the intellectual life of the world in a grim new prison house of the human spirit, the monstrous 9/11 myth. On September 7, 2001 I left Dulles Airport in northern Virginia on an Air France flight en route to Europe. 9/11 itself overtook me in Berlin. Because of the time difference, I learned of the terror attacks in the afternoon. I immediately concluded that the events of that day, because of their scope, complexity, and technical precision, could not have been possible without the massive complicity of a faction of the US political and military command structure. This is what the US taxpayers were paying $40 billion a year for! It was also clear to me that the goal of this operation was a new world war on a vast scale – something along the lines of the Thirty Years’ War of 1618-1648, which killed about a third of the population of central Europe. In the intentions of its planners, this new conflict was to be a population war, designed to exterminate large parts of the population of the developing sector, including the Arab and Moslem countries, and eventually China. It was the desperate bid of a bankrupt and declining power to re-assert world domination based on blackmail. It was a world-historical turn towards disaster. On the evening of 9/11, I attended a memorial service at the Berliner Dom, the Berlin cathedral which had been destroyed by allied bombing during World War II, and which had lain in ruins through most of the communist era in East Berlin. I listened and approved as a leading prelate called for a peaceful response to the gigantic atrocity. This was the wisdom of Berlin, a city which had undergone, not one, but scores days of 3,000 dead during the world wars. This was the lesson of the twentieth century which the neocons refuse to learn: the utter futility of war. A day later, I went to the Kaiser- Wilhelms-Gedächtniskirche, the Emperor William II memorial church on the Kurfürstendamm in what had been the western sector. This church had also been reduced to rubble by the allied bombing. The ruined parts had been kept as shell-scarred rubble, and a modern chapel erected next to them during the early 1960s. And here prayer services were being held around the clock in response to the immense tragedy. Here I realized that it was my duty to do everything in my power to establish the truth of 9/11, and to tear down the absurd myth that was already being elaborated as the pretext for new world wars and incalculable human losses. I issued my first challenge to the prevailing orthodoxy regarding 9/11 on October 26, 2001 at the Indiana Consortium of International Programs, which was held in the beautiful hoosier countryside about fifty miles east of the Wabash at Brown County State Park. Here I invited an audience of academics and scholars to think back to Vietnam as a time when the government, most professors, the media, and the pundits were all tragically wrong about virtually everything – facts in the case, diagnosis of the world situation, strategy, and tactics. We were now living through another such time, I argued. The invasion of Afghanistan, then under way, was as I argued not a military operation, but the systematic bribing of the CIA’s old network of druglords and warlords, backed up with bombing and special forces as enforcers. I gave an expanded, more detailed, and above all more radical version of this critique on January 20, 2002 at Hanover College, a picturesque Indiana campus set on the bluffs of the Ohio River overlooking the wooded hills on the Kentucky side. This time the audience was larger, some 150 people in a packed lecture hall. Here I was able to build on the pioneering insights of French activist Thierry Meyssan and the Réseau Voltaire website, on former SPD German Technology Minister Andreas von Buelow’s landmark interview to the Berlin Tagespiegel of January 13, 2002, and former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt’s incisive remark of December 10, 2001 to German N-TV that the activation of Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty on mutual assistance among the alliance members was illegitimate, since “proof had to be delivered that the Sept. 11 terror attacks came from abroad… and that proof has still not been provided.” (N-TV, Dec.10) As of September 11, 2004, three years and many failed commissions and investigations later, it has still not been provided. My own understanding of the 9/11 events developed further through my participation, as speaker and listener, in the Lucern, Switzerland, conference of November 1-2, 2003, which was attended by Andreas von Bülow, Gerhard Wisnewski, Peter Dale Scott, Mike Ruppert, Nick Begich, and Thomas Meyer; in Carol Brouillet’s San Francisco International Inquiry-Phase One of March 26- 29, 2004; in the Toronto International Inquiry Phase Two of May 25-31, 2004, organized by Barrie Zwicker, Ian Woods, and Michel Chossudovsky; and in the Manhattan Center conference of September 11, 2004 in New York City, organized by Nico Haupt and Nick Levis with the support of Jimmy Walter. I also derived encouragement and ideas from a manuscript on the collapse of air defense on 9/11 sent to me by my good friend Maurizio Blondet, a courageous Catholic journalist who writes for Avvenire, the Milan daily newspaper of the Italian Catholic Bishops’ Conference. At the conferences mentioned and others, I have advocated the creation of an Independent International Truth Commission (IITC) on 9/11 in which a panel of distinguished international personalities, including statesmen, artists, philosophers, historians, scientists, and humanitarians would hear evidentiary briefs prepared by the leading experts in the 9/11 truth movement, for the purpose of rendering an authoritative finding on the veracity of the official version. The approximate model for such proceedings would be the Russell-Sartre Tribunal of 1966-67; without wanting to endorse the philosophical views of its two leading personalities, it is clear that this was an effective forum in educating the intellectuals of the world against the Vietnam War, and could have a similar function in the age of the phony “war on terrorism.” I have since benefited from the wise advice of Ralph Schoenman of KPFA in San Francisco, who was the general secretary of the Russell Tribunal. He and I belong to a very exclusive club, that of graduates of Princeton University who have made the critique of the current US oligarchy and ruling class into the central business of their lives. It is my hope that this book will add new momentum to the forces around the world that are converging on the IITC as an indispensable part of the effort for 9/11 truth, and thus for world peace and economic development, in the months and years ahead. A key feature of this study is its approach to the roots of 9/11. I do not see 9/11 as an event growing exclusively or even primarily out of conditions in Afghanistan or the Middle East. Rather, I see 9/11 as the culmination of a decade-long crisis of economics, finance, politics military affairs, and culture in the United States. In the broadest sense, 9/11 is the wages of a disastrous decade of economic globalization, and of the impoverishment and weakening of an entire society. 9/11 does not grow out of US strength, but represents a desperate flight forward in an attempt to mask US weakness. 9/11 fits within the tradition of NATO geopolitical or spheres of influence terrorism as it was practiced in Italy and West Germany during the years from 1965 to 1993. I reject the naïve or sociological explanation of terrorism. This approach says that misery, oppression, and desperation give rise to terrorist organizations which spontaneously express these underlying moods. But we live in an era in which political and social reality are incessantly manipulated by huge and pervasive intelligence agencies – CIA, FBI, MI- 6, FSB (KGB), Mossad, BND, SDECE, SISMI and the like – whose cumulative effect is to over-determine or sur-determine observed reality. I therefore contend that the more reliable conceptual model for understanding terrorism is one that situates the secret intelligence agency, or factions thereof, in the center of the process, recruiting prospective terrorists from the immiserated masses and forming them into clandestine organizations which are henceforth subject to guidance from outside, behind, and above. High-profile international terrorism is not spontaneous; it is artificial and synthetic. It requires expert terrorist controllers. Because of this, the starting point for realistic appraisal of 9/11 is not primarily the sociology of the Middle East, but rather the historical record of NATO and CIA state-sponsored terrorism in western Europe and elsewhere in the post-World War II period. For it is here, and surely not in some distant cave of the Hindu Kush, that we can find the methods and personnel which produced 9/11. If the term grotesque originally meant something that came out of a cave, we can justifiably dismiss the official explanation of 9/11 – Bin Laden with his laptop in an Afghan cave – as the grotesque theory of terrorism. Synthetic terrorism is a strategy used by oligarchs for the purpose of waging war on the people – that is to say, on the middle class in Machiavelli’s sense of popolo. Terrorism must therefore be opposed. My own understanding of these events is informed by having experienced first hand, as analyst, journalist, and author, the Italian and German terrorism of the 1970s and 1980s. In June 1978, while working as a correspondent in Rome, I was contacted by Giuseppe Zamberletti of the Italian Christian Democratic Party. The kidnap-murder of former Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro had reached its tragic climax in May 1978, when Moro’s body was found in the trunk of a car in Via Caetani in downtown Rome, three blocks from my office at that time. Zamberletti had been one of the very few Italian political leaders who had suggested a NATO role in the attack on Moro. Two days after Moro was kidnapped, and his bodyguards murdered, Zamberletti attracted the attention of the British press, which wrote that “Signor Zamberletti, an intelligent Christian Democrat who has worked as deputy Interior Minister in charge of the Italian secret services, made a number of interesting comments about NATO. It seems that Zamberletti said that De Gaulle left NATO because of the dozens of assassination attempts against him, and that France, after that, and by implication as a result of that, had succeeded in keeping terrorism under control.” (London Times, March 17, 1978) In another interview, Zamberletti said that an effective defense against terrorism would have to be vigilant in all directions – “360 degrees,” as he put it. (Panorama, July 4, 1978) Here was de Gaulle’s celebrated formula of defense “tous azimuths,” against nominal allies as well as adversaries, west as well as east, US and UK as well as USSR. With this, Zamberletti became the target of the Anglo-American party in Italy. Zamberletti asked me to prepare a study of how the mass media had treated the Moro case, which had been the dominant news story for two months. I gathered a group of friends and co-workers from the EIR news agency I was working for at the time, and told them of the proposal. Out of a desire to defeat the nightmare of terrorism and provide justice for Moro, most of them - Italians and a couple of Americans - volunteered to spend their month-long summer vacation assembling the study that Zamberletti had requested. No money was ever involved. The more we looked, the more we found, and soon our study - entitled Chi ha ucciso Aldo Moro? (Who Killed Aldo Moro?) had grown far larger than the brief overview Zamberletti seemed to have had in mind. The writing was done during the summer of 1978 in what was then the EIR European headquarters in the Schiersteinerstrasse in Wiesbaden, Germany, not far from Frankfurt airport. The resulting product was released at a press conference in Rome in September 1978. It was extensively if unfavorably reviewed in the newsmagazine Panorama. The main finding was that Moro had been killed by NATO intelligence, using the Red Brigades as tool and camouflage at the same time. The cause of the assassination was Moro’s determination to give Italy a stable government by bringing the Italian Communist Party into the cabinet and the parliamentary majority. This plan was opposed – as a violation of the Yalta spheres of influence, which made Italy a vassal of the US - by the Henry Kissinger wing of the US foreign policy establishment, as well as by certain factions of the Italian ruling elite, grouped around the reactionary P-2 lodge, which was still secret at that time. Accordingly, my study named Kissinger, NATO, and British intelligence as prime suspects, and not the Warsaw Pact embassies named by the Italian media. Later, Moro’s widow revealed that her husband had been directly threatened by a leading US figure over the issue of expanding the majority to include the PCI. This figure had told Moro that any attempt to bring the PCI into the government would bring terrible consequences for him personally. Some commentators identified this US figure as Kissinger, and here they were on firm ground. With this, the thesis of the study, Chi ha ucciso Aldo Moro, was vindicated. I therefore have a track record as someone who opposes terrorism; I have shown in practice that I understand how terrorism works. This is something which sets this book apart from the babblings of the tribe of “terror experts” who populate cable television and purvey disinformation. Another thesis of the 1978 study was that those who glorify and lionize terrorism, providing the terrorists with ideological cover, should be investigated as its accomplices. One pro-terror ideologue whom I singled out in this regard was Antonio Negri, Professor of Doctrine of the State at the University of Padua, near Venice. Later, in April 1979, Judge Calogero of Padua issued arrest warrants for Toni Negri, Franco Piperno, and other leaders of the allegedly defunct Potere Operaio group. They were charged with being not just the ideologues and sympathizers, but part of the leadership of the Red Brigades. It was said that Calogero had been influenced by my Moro dossier. Today Negri is still operational from his jail cell, helping to inspire a regroupment of violent anarchist “criminal energy” groups like the Black Bloc, which represent the culture medium from which future terrorists are being recruited by intelligence agencies in Europe. After the publication of Imperial Hubris, this thesis should be applied to the CIA, home of what appears to be the most influential chapter of the Bin Laden fan club. I have also learned much from three European experts. One is Brigadier General Paul Albert Scherer of Germany, one of the truly great counter-intelligence specialists of recent decades. Scherer, a Social Democrat, was the chief of the Militärischer Abschirmdienst (MAD), the West German military counter-intelligence service, in the early 1970s. Between 1985 and 1994 I had the opportunity of spending many hours with General Scherer, primarily discussing Soviet questions, but also branching out into historical matters and other themes. This book is, after all, an exercise in counterintelligence. I do not know what he will think of my present conclusions, but I have derived permanent benefit from his insights, and I thank him. Another who deserves my thanks is the late G. L. Bondarevsky, the distinguished Soviet orientalist and member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. A Russian Jew born in Odessa, Bondarevsky became the dean of Soviet and later Russian experts on the five republics of central Asia and beyond into the Middle East; he was the author of the definitive scholarly study on the pre-World War I Berlin to Baghdad railway. At a conference in Germany in the spring of 1991, when the world was still reeling from the shock of the First Gulf War, I briefed Bondarevsky on some preliminary research into George H.W. Bush and his clan. I stammered out an important conclusion in my substandard Russian: “Ego otets zaplatil Gitleru!” – his father, meaning Prescott Bush, paid Hitler, was what I wanted to express. “Vy you don’t tell vorld real story of bastard Bush?” replied Bondarevsky in his unique English. It was thanks to Bondarevsky’s interest and engagement that I was able to overcome the bureaucratic inertia of EIR, still my employer at that time, and obtain the time necessary to write the 1992 George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography together with Anton Chaitkin. Bondarevsky, who at the age of 83 was also one of the world’s leading experts on the petroleum industry, was found dead in his apartment on August 8, 2003, the victim of a mysterious murder, most likely arranged by the Anglo-American oil cartel or their agents. His friends are determined to keep his memory alive, and to secure justice for him some day. The third recipient of my thanks is the late Professor Taras Vasilievich Muranivsky of the Moscow State University of the Humanities. Professor Muranivsky was the President of the International Ecological Academy of Moscow and later the Schiller Institute of Russia at the time I was the President of the Schiller Institute of the United States, and he made it possible for me to visit the Russian capital in October 1993, just after Yeltsin’s tanks had bombarded the Russian White House. He nominated me as a consultant to the IEA, one of the first intellectual associations to be formed in Russia after the loosening of the police state. Thanks to Muranivsky, I worked in Moscow under the curfew for two weeks, had the opportunity to stand before the White House, looking up at the fireblackened structure. I saw the daily tragedy of the Soviet middle class in the streets. Russia, it was plain to see, was being destroyed by the Anglo-American finance oligarchs. Who would be next? Muranivsky died on July 17, 2000. During one visit to the United States, Muranivsky had said in a briefing: “The US would like to treat Russia like a banana republic. But it’s a nuclear banana.” This reality of this thermonuclear danger is present in these pages. The present study embodies a number of criteria which I believe derive directly from the 9/11 events. 9/11 was an example of state-sponsored, false-flag, synthetic terrorism, hereinafter called synthetic terrorism. My thesis is that the 9/11 events were organized and directed by a rogue network of high government and military officials of the United States, with a certain participation by the intelligence agencies of Britain and Israel, and with a more general backup from the intelligence agencies of the other Echelon states (Australia, New Zealand, Canada). This US network represents the current form of the Dulles Brothers-Lemnitzer-Landsdale network of the early 1960s, of the Bay of Pigs- Kennedy assassination-Gulf of Tonkin networks of a slightly later era, and of the invisible government/secret government/parallel government/shadow government that was widely understood to have been the prime mover of the Iran-contra affair. The 9/11 rogue network subsumed some of the asteroids of the 1990s, that is to say, the privatized intelligence enterprises operating under Reagan’s executive order 12333. The September criminals were financiers, top-level bureaucrats, flag-rank military officers, top intelligence officials, and technical specialists; the prime focus of their operations was in all probability a series of private sector locations, where confidentiality could be best assured by excluding elements loyal to the constitution. It is therefore probably misleading to think of people like Cheney as the hand-on field commanders of the terrorist forces of 9/11, although Cheney appears to have been complicit in other ways. Bush was expendable enough to undergo an assassination attempt that morning; he owes his continued tenure in office to his speedy capitulation to the demands of the September criminals. As time has gone on, Bush has undoubtedly learned something more about the invisible government he allowed to take over his administration. By 2004, Bush had to be considered as witting as it was possible for a person of his faculties to be about the basic facts of terrorism. Because of the wretched performance of the Kean-Hamilton 9/11 commission, many well established facts and timelines pertaining to 9/11 have been blurred and defaced. The 9/11 commission has corrupted and confused public awareness of the basic facts of 9/11 far more than it has enhanced it. It is a rule of thumb for researchers that some of the most revealing information on a cataclysmic event like 9/11 generally becomes available in media reports in the immediate aftermath of the event. This is before the editors and producers have fully assimilated the party line of the oligarchy on what has happened, so they may well publicize facts which are incompatible with the official, mythical version of events. As time goes by, such heuristic revelations become rarer, although they may yet inflict fatal blows on the official story, particularly if the official story is beginning to break up. The 9/11 commission represents the triumph of oligarchical scholasticism, the embalming of what had been a living tragedy into a smoothed-over textbook account from which virtually all of the truth has been drained. This book therefore often gives priority to materials generated soon after 9/11, before the mind-control line of the regime became totally hegemonic. The reader will understand this book better after a short note on the criteria of selection which have informed it. There already exist encyclopedias and encyclopedic timelines on 9/11 by such writers as Nico Haupt and Paul Thompson, to both of whom I am indebted for much empirical material. My aim has not been to compete with them in exhaustive completeness, but rather to offer a definite hypothesis about what happened on 9/11. This book has therefore been constructed along the following conceptual lines: 1. Mass gullibility about the events of 9/11 is based on unmediated sense certainty re-enforced by merciless and repetitious media bombardment. Receptivity to the 9/11 myth is correlated with a Hollywood-style, sense-impressionist naïve epistemology, complicated by the schizophrenic and autistic elements present in Anglo-American culture. Belief in the 9/11 myth is agreeable to a way of thinking in the tradition of John Locke’s empiricism, which is here formally rejected and repudiated. I do not offer information so much as a method, and the method used here is that of Plato, Machiavelli, and Leibniz. I join Plato in refusing the illusions of the cave in favor of dialectical reason. I assert that understanding 9/11 requires a conceptual framework; my approach is therefore conceptual and empirical, but not empiricist. The framework here is that of patsies, moles, and expert professionals discussed below. 2. This book stresses those aspects of 9/11 which indicate state sponsorship by a rogue network or invisible government operating inside the US government and military. Other aspects are given less consideration or omitted entirely. 3. This book stresses those aspects of the official version which are physically impossible. Many dubious aspects and contradictions of the official story are not treated if they can be construed as a matter of opinion, rather than being susceptible to rigorous physical proof. The same goes for physical evidence, such as pictorial evidence, where individual interpretations of what is seen may diverge. At the same time, I urge researchers interested in these aspects of the problem to continue their efforts so that the catalogue of physical impossibilities can be expanded as it doubtless deserves to be. 4. I have sought to be guided by Machiavellian political realism, rather than by the irrational appeals of propaganda. I express my gratitude to my old friend Raynald Rouleau of Quebec City for his matchless computer expertise. Finally, this book would have been impossible without the patience and good will of my publisher, John Leonard. Webster Griffin Tarpley Washington DC September 11, 2004. ...

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